Edith Faulstich_Fisher

New Info on "Dee's" Other Philatelic Writings!

2009-08-25T09:56:00.000-07:00

Well today, was a glorious day.

Literally, within the past hour, I just came across another
blogger who made a nice mention and linked to this blog regarding my humble beginnings and efforts to create blog
about my grandmother. I am greatful and feel compelled to reciprocate.

Thank you!

Secondly, and more importantly, I've just come across another huge find!

I am so exicted because of the benefits of modern technology,
which is in current ability to save and document history in a collective
sort of way, before it becomes lost in some old trunk (a resonating theme
as noted with the beginning posts in May of 2009 blog as well as my own grandmother's research articles)

So, today I've got to tell you I found an online source with historical PDFs
mentioning some of the philatelic work Edith Faulstich wrote very early on,
during the first days of the Helvetical Socieity.

These offer fabulous little vignettes into the world of letter
writing, postal covers and the history of Switzerland all integrated into the
art of story telling. I am so excited I could just scream!

I found scanned newsletter documents on the back side of their Swiss Stamp's Website.

Did I mention that I love it!

Thank you, and thank you again to my unknown admired colleaques!

But, more importantly, it offers a small glimpse into the larger
chronological history building regarding to extensive volume of writing
and work my grandmother did over the course of her early beginnings.

This document I have come across trapses across a plethera of the past newsletters written, many of which were single handed researhed and typed up by my Grandmother dating from as early as Volume 12 in 1949, but predominantly running from 1955-1956, when she was both the President and editor, simultaniously.

This specific blog post today only chronicals her contributions to the the Helvetia Society, one of the predecessor organizations to the AHPS. The Helvetia Bulletin was published from 1938 to 1957.

I personally know she wrote for many, many other organizations and newspapers of the course of her life right up until her untimely passing. I have been to The Library of Congress in Washington, DC which has an archive of her writings on Microfiche film for her philatelic column written the Newark Sunday Times for about 20 to 25 years.

But, that content from the Microfiches is largely unreadable on those films and prints out very very poorly. So I have no good efficent way to recreate that content.

So, I will continue in my hope of finding persons who are passionate about sustaining written history (true to from) as a result of hand written letters, journalism and other societies she was connected to help me add to the great volume of her life's work and advocation.

Please bear with me as I will re-edit this post several times and my findings today today, as I have more time.

Please stay tuned for more!

As a final personal note, it's great to capture see the evolution of how things used to be done by hand from a publishing and editorial stand point and how things have so changed over the course of time. But, ulimiately compelling content that resonates with people is still king, even today in our digital world. Which, in the end is worthy of studying, and I so value this time and hand done work of the days of old. Just fabulous pieces we all can study and draw from to better engage our audiences on a personal level, no matter who they may be now or years and years down the road.

I quote in part, the historical document printed in October 1969,
relative to Edith Faulstich:

The society's last national president and editor was Mrs . Faulstich
who brought professional writing talents to bear on the Bulletin
in 1955 and 1956.

She added illustrations, advertisements and more pages.

In the spirit of brotherhood,her first pictures showed, not stamps, but society
members in convivial groups at an annual meeting . During her first year the
society signed up 41 new members, reversing a three-year downward trend,
and almost reached the level of membership it had attained in 1952 .

Rising costs, however, forced Mrs . Faulstich to discontinue the
illustrations and limit the Bulletin to an average of eight
pages a month in 1956.

Like all the presidents-editors before her, Mrs . Faulstich found the
work demanding and time-consuming. And when, like her predecessors,
she turned down another nomination, there was no one else willing to lead the society.

The Helvetians adjourned their January, 1957, annual meeting
without a president, and that action left them with no editor as well.

The Bulletin disappeared and with it the society's most important
link among its widely-spread members.

Although the society had issued only 405 membership cards during its
19 years, it had created a philatelic role for itself much larger than its physical
size .

The reasons were several : the pride of Swiss Americans in the artistic
stamps of their politically creative homeland, the dedication of collectors in
studying some of the world's most famous early adhesives, and the pleasure of
friends in wearing a velvet skull cap as a mark of philatelic brotherhood.

In the Helvetia Society there were many cases where individual
members were all three of these types combined.

But the Helvetia Society didn't completely "disintegrate"

I am posting a chronological listing of her writings/commentary and such for this
society with a primary source document.

If you fast forward through the document you can type in a page number
and begin to see the topics and reports which she wrote about beginning
on about page 43 -(Newsletter Volume 18 #2 (February 1955) and her
writing continued regulary throughout, to 1957.

What a wonderful history.... about history and about philately,
all blended together. I am just beside myself with excitement in
finding some of her other writings.

Below is a complete chronology of her specific written contributions to this Swiss Stamp/Helvetica Society.

Fisher, Edith M. (see also link under name Edith M. Faulstich)

Fast forward to page 30 to begin seeing her list of editorial contributions
I will build in the actual links to these articles/contributions in the very
near future for easier access.

Maurice Tripet Shows Swiss Airmail Stationary at Collectors Club
Volume 12 #2 (Feb 1949) page 18

Report of the Northern New Jersey Branch of Helvetia
Volume 9 #9 (Sep 1946) pages 65-66

The 11th Annual Meeting and Banquet
Volume 12 #2 (Feb 1949) pages 9-12

The 1862-1881 Remainders and the Ausser Kurs
Volume 11 #6 (Jun 1948) page 45

Ausser Kurs; Sitting Helvetia issue remainders; Zumstein #28-52
The National Philatelic Museum’s Catalogue of the Swiss Show
Volume 12 #8/9 (Aug/Sep 1949) pages 69-70

Faulstich, Edith M. (see also Edith M. Fisher)-
Please Fast forward to begin on page 30.
I will add hyper links to her other articles and documents as I can.
But, I do feel this a a great start with more of her articles to come, in the near future.

[no title]
Volume 18 #7 (Jul 1955) page 12

Photographs from the June 13th, 1955 meeting
Volume 19 #3/4 (Mar/Apr 1956) page 1

Costs of publishing the Helvetia Bulletin
Volume 19 #8 (Aug 1956) page 1

Plea for articles
Volume 19 #9 (Sep 1956) page 1

A small general comment added by Faulstich
A Millenarian Swiss Town
Volume 19 #5 (May 1956) and see the bottom of page 8
Zizers

A Topicalist can Enjoy Spring Carnivals in Switzerland Through the Stamp Album
Volume 18 #3 (Mar 1955) pages 9-11

Background data from the Swiss National Travel Office in New York
A Tribute to Karl Bickel
Volume 19 #7 (Jul 1956) pages 7-8

Reprinted from the Essay-Proof Journal
Stamp engraver; biography; 70th birthday
An Editorial - The Broader Scope
Volume 18 #5 (May 1955) page 18

Annual Meeting of Helvetia
Volume 19 #1 (Jan 1956) page 9

Editorial . . . Regarding Editorship of Helvetia
Volume 18 #12 (Dec 1955) page 8

Editorial . . . This is Very Important to all Members . Please read at Once.
Volume 18 #6 (Jun 1955) pages 2-3

Need for articles
Editors Report
Volume 19 #2 (Feb 1956) page 8

End of the Pre Philatelic Time
Volume 18 #5 (May 1955) pages 4-6

Based on the writing of Jean Winkler, “Altbriefe und Altbriefkunde”
Transition dates from Cantonal to Federal postal service
Events Ahead Which May Offer Cancellations
Volume 18 #9 (Sep 1955) page 9

Events of 1955
Excuse Our Ignorance
Volume 18 #6 (Jun 1955) page 14

Typographic errors in May 1955 Helvetia Bulletin
For the Topicalist - The Story Behind the Sports Stamp Featuring Hornussen - The 30c
plus 10c Issue of 1951
Volume 18 #8 (Aug 1955) page 4

Zumstein #WII 54
Guido Essig-Courvoisier Passes
Volume 20 #1 (Jan 1957) page 4

Obituary of Guido Essig-Courvoisier
Happy New Year and May it be a Prosperous One to Each and Every Member
Volume 19 #1 (Jan 1956) page 1

How Johanna Spyri - found on the 1951 Pro Juventute set - Dreamed the Heart
Warming Story of Heidi
Volume 18 #3 (Mar 1955) pages 6-7

Zumstein #WI 138
Important
Volume 19 #12 (Dec 1956) page 1

Annual Meeting and Dinner
Volume 20 #1 (Jan 1957) page 1

Need for new president and editor
It Happens only Four Times in a Century
Volume 18 #2 (Feb 1955) pages 9-10

Information from the Swiss PTT and the Swiss National Tourist Office
in New York
1955 Fête des Vignerons; Zumstein #321
Meet Our Dr. Kronstein
Volume 18 #11 (Nov 1955) pages 18

Biography -Meet Sid Barrett
Volume 18 #10 (Oct 1955) pages 13

Merry Christmas and All the Joys of the Season to One and All
Volume 18 #12 (Dec 1955) page 1

Message from the New President
Volume 18 #2 (Feb 1955) page 5

More on 5c PJ Issues
Volume 19 #1 (Jan 1956) page 9

Charles Pictet de Rochemont; 1955 Pro Juventute issue; Zumstein #WI 158
Our 17th Annual Dinner - Janury 22, 1955
Volume 18 #2 (Feb 1955) pages 4-4a

Simplon Stamp of Italy Criticized
Volume 19 #9 (Sep 1956) page 3

1956 Italian Simplon Tunnel issue; Zumstein #325
Swiss Memories of FIPEX
Volume 19 #6 (Jun 1956) pages 3-4

Swiss Stamps in the News
Volume 19 #2 (Feb 1956) pages 4-5

Swiss events with stamp tie-ins; Zumstein #259-261, 277-280, 309-312, 325
The Historic Simplon Pass and the Tunnel
Volume 19 #7 (Jul 1956) pages 3-4

1956 Publicity issue; Zumstein #325
The Inspiration of Johann Heinrich Pestalozzi Reflected in Twentieth Century Deeds
Volume 18 #9 (Sep 1955) pages 2-3

Pestalozzi Village; Zumstein #WI 41-WI 44, 275, DV 22
The Mail Pouch
Volume 18 #5 (May 1955) pages 14-16

Excerpts from Letters to the Editor
The National Fete Stamps - With Special Emphasis on the Story of William Tell
Volume 18 #4 (Apr 1955) pages 12-15

Reprinted from the Chambers Stamp Journal, November 1954
Pro Patria stamps; William Tell; Zumstein #WII 1
The Swiss Alphorn
Volume 18 #11 (Nov 1955) pages 15-16

Zumstein #WII 55, 322
The Swiss Guards
Volume 19 #6 (Jun 1956) pages 6-7

450th Anniversary of the Swiss Guards
The Winegrowers Festival
Volume 18 #6 (Jun 1955) pages 8-9

1955 Fête des Vignerons; Zumstein #321
This and That in Brief From the Editor’s Scrap Book
Volume 18 #12 (Dec 1955) page 7

Mobile postoffices; Hospes 1954; Swiss goatherds who became famous
This is FIPEX Month
Volume 19 #5 (May 1956) page 1

WIFAG Proofs
Volume 18 #11 (Nov 1955) page 17

Test stamps
With Deepest Sympathy
Volume 18 #2 (Feb 1955) page 6

Obituary of Edward Buser, Sr.
Zumstein Specialized Catalogue - Postage Stamps of Switzerland & Liechtenstein XIVth
Edition, 1957
Volume 19 #12 (Dec 1956) page 8

Catalog review
Zurich, Geneva and Basle
Volume 19 #3/4 (Mar/Apr 1956) pages 3-5

Reprinted from The Stamp Collectors Annual, December 1955
Cantonal issues; Zumstein #1-2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8

Diplomacy & Grace Beyond Measure

2009-08-20T11:22:00.000-07:00

Authors personal note: In a modern instantanious digital world... is the value of real personal diplomacy dead?

As a result, I am posting this as a story from my grandmother's time.

The value of "education" and lessons from my grandmother's example resonate well with me. I am a student still learning important life lesson's every single day.
Here's is a good example of Diplomacy and Grace Beyond measure. In my book, it's still worthy of discussion and reflection, even today.

I am honored to have heard of this story first from my father, and I share with you today. Please see the previous post before this one as well for a tad bit more information.
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Word of Edith Faulstich/Fisher's dynamic influence, diplomacy and vast experience in the philatelic arena spread to international philatelic groups.

Many people desired to have her speak and judge at international philatelic exhibitions and other related functions.

On one such occasion, Faulstich received a very glowing and edifying letter from a man stating that his club would be very honored to have such an internationally famous person speak at their stamp club meeting in southern New Jersey.

The letter was signed by the president, Mr. Smerber.

Faulstich recognized the name Smerber as it was not a very common name. She also remembered that he was the same Mr. Smerber from her tenth grade math class.

At that time he did not link Edith M. Faulstich as being the same person as Edith M Vanderpoel.

She was the same person from his 1925 tenth grade math class (author’s interview, 1996).

She wrote a very nice letter back to Mr. Smerber and graciously accepted his invitation. When Faulstich arrived at the meeting, Mr. Smerber did not recognize her when she arrived at the formal luncheon.

Faulstich began her opening remarks about the importance of knowledge and commitment in the successfully promoting philatelic work.

She then began to weave a captivating tale, recounting a forty year-old story about a tenth grade student and how much a teacher can impact and contribute to helping shape the future lives of students. She then coyly but ever so diplomatically turned a smile to Mr. Smerber. She said, ". . . and that student who was Edith M. Vanderpoel became Edith M. Faulstich.

I stand before all of you today to say that my personal education has been and still is the key to promoting the importance of our philatelic work and research." She then very skillfully intertwined her enthralling story so that it resonated well with the members present by providing relevant motivational material and many gracious thanks for inviting her to speak.

Faulstich never mentioned Mr. Smerber’s name in front of the audience. Faulstich and Smerber maintained contact for many years after that gracious speech (author’s interview, 1996).

A Few Tid Bits About "Dee" & A Pivitol Moment

2009-08-20T11:14:00.001-07:00

As a child she developed the nick name "Dee."

The development and transformation of the name came from her Swiss-German grandfather, Conrad Bollinger. When ever he tried to pronounce Edith it always came out "Edit." It sounded like he was always saying "eat it".
To avoid embarrassment he began calling her Dee.
Throughout her life she was known as Dee.

A Pivitol Moment, in High School

One occurrence appears to have become a pivotal point in Faulstich’s life. Faulstich knew she was intelligent and despite what others thought, she was not a quitter.

At Park Ridge High School in 1925, Edith had enrolled in Mr. Smerber's tenth-grade geometry class. It was not that she needed the class to graduate, but all her friends were in the class. She was a very social person, but be it known, Edith was not a flighty person by nature and always gave her best at any given task. Part way through the geometry course, Faulstich realized she and math did not mix. Never having done so before and after considerable deliberation, she asked to withdraw from the class. Mr. Smerber brought her up from her wooden desk to the front of the class and stood her up on top of the platform where his desk reigned. Before the entire class of 25 students, Mr. Smerber proclaimed that she was a quitter, a looser and that she would never amount to anything" (author’s interview, no. 1, 1995). Despite the embarrassing incident in front of her classmates she graduated from high school in 1927.

Later in her life, this incident would become the opening remarks of a speech she would make to a large philatelic audience in southern New Jersey.

A Communicator Before Her Time

2009-08-20T11:11:00.000-07:00

I am providing an external URL link to a Master's dissertation study relative to the communication skills of Edith M. Faulstich
for further research about her work and her life.

EDITH M. FAULSTICH-FISHER
A PHILATELIC JOURNALIST AND PUBLIC COMMUNICATOR

A Directed Research Project Submitted to:
THE FACULTY OF THE PUBLIC COMMUNICATION GRADUATE PROGRAM
SCHOOL OF COMMUNICATION AMERICAN UNIVERSITY WASHINGTON, D.C.

In Candidacy for the Degree of Master of Arts
By: Alice Margaret Fisher (Crittenden)
-May 1997 -
COPYRIGHT©1997

Introduction

In his renowned story, Le Petit Prince,
Antoine de Saint-Exupery said, "C’est le temps que tu as perdu pour ta
rose qui fait ta rose si importante. Les hommes ont oublies cette verite."

This quote is literally translated as, "It is the time you have spent for your rose that has made your rose so important. Men have forgotten this truth"(Saint-Exupery, p 87).

By completely devoting most of her available time to philately, Edith M. Faulstich successfully moved beyond the social stigma of divorce, beyond poverty, and sexism in a race against time.Racing against time, Faulstich became the first philatelic woman journalist, first woman author about WWI’s Siberian Expedition in Russia, and the first woman president and communication manager of any philatelic organization. Faulstich implemented a dynamic multiplicity of factors to operate as a journalist, a persuasive communicator, a research expert, an editor, an author, a communication manager, and the first women president of the Postal History Society.In the end, Faulstich raced to communicate against the ravages of time for philately, for the lives of the forgotten soldiers who were left in Siberia and finally she raced against time for her own life.Statement of PurposeThis paper presenting Faulstich will demonstrate that through journalism and public communication she used a multiplicity of communication factors such as journalism, extensive research, profound knowledge, communication management skills and a relentless commitment to a cause, to become a successful international public communicator for philately.

But above all, she passionately gave of her personal time.

Study Significance

Journalism history, public communication history, and scholars have yet to study and recognize the multiplicity of journalism and communication management skills Faulstich possessed.She functioned with only a high school education and accomplished multiple professional public relation practices that preceded today’s formal training and public communication theories.

Her work is significant enough to assure her a well deserved place in journalism and public communication history even though such recognition has not yet been granted.This study is also significant because she was able to obtain journalism work. It was difficult to get journalism work in the 1940s, 1950s, and 1960s.

"Through the late 1940s, 1950s, and into the 1960s, the same kind of woman who had been welcomed at the city desk in wartime couldn’t get past the front desk. Some of the men who blocked their way merely mirrored the views of the day.

A women’s place was in the home; the newsroom was no place for a lady. . . . . Newspapers rarely hired women" (Mills, 65).There have been numerous and specific communication studies about women, women as minorities, barriers to women’s success, women’s roles, gender, discrimination, comparative intelligence studies and factors that hinder women’s professional success.

There has been a great deal of successful discussions about the pros and cons of how women are treated differently. Additionally, there have been studies about differences in professional positions, professional advancement, salary differences, glass ceilings and the positions assigned to developing female and male communicators.

This study is significant because the focus is on Faulstich’s success and contributions rather than the factors that hindered her progress as a woman.Likewise, little has been reported on what communication factors contribute to personal success as a communicator. Hence, a large void in the public communication field has developed from not recognizing Faulstich’s contributions to journalism and public communication and what facilitated her work as a philatelic communicator.

Furthermore, this study is important and significant because it will demonstrate that despite obstacles, Faulstich was successful as a journalist and public communicator.Study LimitationsAs with any research, many expansive aspects from an original concept about what constitutes success before one’s time may emerge during the research process.

Furthermore, this study recognizes the heated debates of feminist and gender issues in women’s successes, failures, and/or injustices. One can speculate that if this presentation and research is aligned with one or more minority groups, it may incite certain opposing reactions.
Some theorists relate poverty, gender and activism with success or failure.

This study focuses on the communication aspects relative to Edith M. Faulstich the person, and the dynamic multiplicity of communication skills that added to her success as a model journalist and public communicator.

This study is limited to the fact that there may not be any similar studies examining the multiplicity of communication skills used by Faulstich.

This research is limited in that there may be relatively few, if any, successful women journalists and public communicators in similar avocations who had an impact on so many people with such far reaching communication results.

Although this study touches on philately and W.W.I., this study will not address these topical subjects in extensive detail nor will it analyze broadcast media. Future research may warrant comparative studies of other successful nontraditional public communicators who used a multiplicity of journalism and public communication skills, without formal training.

List of Faulstich Material @ Hoover

2009-05-26T18:27:00.000-07:00

Below is the preliminary list of the contents of the Edith M. Faulstich collection, by box, which is housed at Hoover Institute Archives at Stanford University in California.

Note that these lists are pretty much in an alphabetical chronology. Therefore, if you are looking for a person, a letter or a document you could easily send a message to Hoover Institute and have what you are looking for and have it copied, for a fee.

[Box 1]

Miscellany
Allies
Ambulances
American soldiers - letters, diaries, reminiscences, anecdotes, comments, impressions
Ammunition
Animals - pets and mascots
Archival reports

[ Box 2 ]

Armistice
Armored trains
Atrocities
Aviation
Baikal, Lake
Bakeries
Barbers
Belgians
Beresovka
Blagoveshchensk
Bolsheviki
British
Buriats
Butenko, Colonel
Canadian archives
Canadians
Canadians - E. M. Waite correspondence

[ Box 3 ]

Casualties
Cecek, General
Chelyabinsk
Chinese
Chinese Eastern Railway
Chita
Christmas and other holidays
Clothing
Combat action
Communication
Conditions, General
Connor's book
Courts-martial
Currency
Cutrer, E. V., Major - report by
Czar and other Romanovs
Czechoslovak report
Czechoslovaks

[ Box 4 ]

Decorations, awards, and citations
Demobilization
Desertions
Diary of Arnold Eugene Jenny, partial contents list
Diaries
Discharges
Drugs, vice and protitution
Edwards, G. M., Lieutenant Colonel - report by

[ Box 5 ]

Eichelberger, Robert, Major - letters

[ Box 6 ]

Emerson, Colonel - report by
Engineers
Entertainment
Food
Gaida, General
Goar, Fred H., Sr., Lieutenant - report by

[ Box 7 ]

Graves, W. S., General
Graves, W. S., General - report by
Harbin
Homesickness and boredom
Horvath, General
Hospital train
Iman incident
Insignia
Intelligence
Inter-Allied Railway Commission
International Military Police and Major Samuel I. Johnson
Irkutsk
Japanese

[ Box 8 ]

Johnson, Samuel I., Major
Judge Advocate
Kalmikoff, General
Kerensky, Alexander
Khabarovsk
Knights of Columbus
Kolchak, Admiral
Kopeck Hill
Literature
Mail and postal matters
Manchuria
Maps

[ Box 9 ]

Medical - cholera, venereal disease, dental, typhus
Medical - priest's report
Meetings of Allied representatives in Vladivostok
Military - marches and engagements
Military - miscellany
Morrow, Colonel
Naval
News - articles, magazines, etc.

[ Box 10 ]
News - articles, magazines, etc.
News - newspapers, news reports, etc.
Newspaper correspondents
Nikolsk
Novo Nezhino
Nurses
Officers
Omsk
Ordnance
Organizations
Packard, Laurance B., Captain - report by

[ Box 11 ]

Partisans
Personnel, Jewish and Negro
Philippines
Photography
Poems
Poetry
Polish forces
Political matters
Postwar activities
Prisoners of war
Propaganda

[ Box 12 ]

Quartermaster Corps
Reading
Red Cross
Red Cross - relief trains
Reeder, Red, Colonel - article by
Religion
Replacements
Robinson, O. P., Colonel
Romances and marriages
Romanovka massacre
Rozanoff, General

[ Box 13 ]

Russian brides
Russian Island
Russian public
Russian Railway Service Corps
Russian relations
Russians
Ryan, Albert E., Lieutenant
Selenga
Semenov, Ataman
Shkotova
Signal Corps
Soldiers' comments
Spasskoe
Spasskoe - reports on

[ Box 14 ]

Statistics
Suchan
Suchan - mines
Supplies
Telegraph Battalion
Thirty-first Infantry Regiment

[ Box 15 ]

Thirty-first Infantry Regiment
Tomsk
Train of death
Turner, Porter E., Colonel - correspondence and diary
Twenty-seventh Infantry Regiment
Ussuri
Verkhne-Udinsk
Veterans' bonus and pensions
Veterans' organizations
Veterinary
Vladivostok incidents
Weather
Young Men's Christian Associations

[ Box 16 ]

Ade, Lester Kelly, Dr.
Allen, Riley H.
Anderson, Abel
Baggs, Ralph
Baggs, Ralph - letter and telegram books
Barger, Cash
Bean, Frank W.
Beaughan, Mark
Beebe, Earl S.
Bencoe, Paul
Bender, Martin S.
Betz, George A.
Billick, George P.
Boggs, William G.
Borda, Ignacio

[ Box 17 ]

Born, Johnston A.
Bourisaw, Morton
Boyer, Carl W., Dr.
Buckley, Edward B.
Budd, John J.
Bullard, Harold C.
Cadwallader, Harry
Cannon, Fred J.
Carey, Harry H.
Carroll, Gerald J.
Chadwick, Stephen F.
Chapman, William McC., Colonel
Chesebro, Paul E.
Chipman, Clifford I.
Clarke, Clement S.
Coalson, Roy
Colman, Paul R.
Crichton, Fred R.
Cumley, W. H.
Currie, Malcolm
Dean, Charles E.
Demastrie, Joseph
De Met, George
Dexter, Irving A.
Diaries - miscellaneous
Dillingham, William L.
Doherty, William C., Ambassador
Driscoll, John E.
Duffield, William R.
Dusold, Andrew J.
English, Thomas H.
Evans, Clifford F.
Eveleigh, Percy Frank
Fahlenkamp, Leo
Felleman, George H.
Ferguson, Alan

[ Box 18 ]

Fields, Milo
Fifer, Leo G.
Fisher, Carl W.
Fleet, Chris H.
Fletcher, Eva B.
Foley, Robert J.
Frayer, L. W.
Frey, W. H.
Fry, Henry C.
Gale-Galinski, Frank
Gebhardt, John
Gee, Sidney V.
Gilbert, Fred J., Sr.
Goreham, Wilber
Graves, S. C., Major
Grayson, Walter A.
Hanbloom, Bert B.
Hansen, Carl O.
Harper, Anthony J.
Harrelson, Joseph S., Jr., Colonel
Head, Leslie H.
History reports
Hochee, Nick
Hockett, V. E., Dr.
Holmes, Inez
Hoskins, Emmett A.
Hoyman, Harry H.
Ivy, Charles M.
[ Box 19 ]Jenny, Arnold Eugene
Jeremiah, Roy A.
Johnson, Ivan Cameron
Johnson, William H.
Jorgensen, Mignon K., Mrs.
Kamiske, Michael R.
Kempa, Arthur A.
Kendall, Paul W., Lieutenant General
Kendig, Hal D.
Killman, Guy
Newspapers
Official records
Personal miscellany
Strother, Ledia
Telegrams - miscellaneous
Twenty-seventh Infantry Regiment
Veterinary reports
Yates, L. D.

[ Box 20 ]

Pitts, Oscar G.
Predmore, Arthur L., Colonel
Reavey, Arthur
Redman, Harry K.
Reece, William O.
Reed, E. W.
Reed, Lester W.
Reher, Ernest A.
Rehfuss, Louis A.
Reynolds, Elmer E.
Rice, Claire R.
Richardson, Sam
Ritchey, Clara M.
Roberts, Kenneth
Rogers, R. H.
Rohrer, Harry C.
Rosing, Edward
Ruggles, Eileen
Sale, Jesse L.
Shotwell, Thomas A.

[ Box 21 ]

Cicotte, Harry
Duke University (Mattie Russell)
Kopecky, Joe
Korn, Otto H.
Korotzer, Sam
Lange, A.
Longuevan, Joseph B.
Loutocky, J. A.
Lynch, Alva
Lynch, James W.
McClendon, J. T.
McQuiddy, L. A.
Magowan, Dave
Massey, Raymond
Masury, George Tait
Mathieu, Lucille
Maxwell, Charles P.
Miller, George E.
Miscellaneous and partial letters
Photographs
Souhrada, John
Spiking, C. D.
Spowart, Stephen
Sprigg, Rodney
Stephenson, Clinton W.
Streed, Eugene F.
Stommer, Harry N.
Sundheimer, John M.
Taylor, John
Thompson, Dorothy
Umbreit, Cora Hobein
Whaley, Harry R., Mrs.
Wykoff, Roy A.
Yates, J. J.
Zimmerman, Theodore H.

[ Box 22 ]

Diaries - Guy Killman and Paul E. Chesebro
Foley, Robert J.
Miscellaneous reports, articles, and documents
Photograph numbers
Sundheimer, John M.

[ Box 23 ]

Baggs, Ralph L. - correspondence (intelligence) - See 1963 Article, "A Find!"
Edwards, Lillian S. (nurse)
Entertainment programs, poetry, news clippings, telegrams, map, and miscellanea
Goreham, Alphia Wilber - correspondence
Letters
Miscellaneous articles, reports, and news clippings
Miscellaneous postwar items, photos, and correspondence
News and press releases
Padley, Alick, and Bud Holmes
Quartermaster supplies
Russian Railway Service Corps
Turner, Porter E. - correspondence

[ Box 24 ]

Mail, Siberian
Mail regarding Siberian Sojourn
Miscellany
Northern Russia

Contents: Access Points

The Siberian Sojourn Volume II - Chapter 23

2009-05-26T13:22:00.000-07:00

Personnel of the 27th and 31st
Regiments Go to Full Strength

Vladivostok was teeming with the Americans by the end of September 1918. They mixed with the soldiers and sailors of other nations and, as we have seen, took in the sights of the city in breathless eagerness for fear of being shuttled out of the area without much warning.
By Sep n addition to those who had previously arrived, the above personnel were assigned at once. The surplus was placed in a Headquarters Detachment (Expeditionary Force) and a Replacement Battalion as follow:

Headquarters Detachment:

Enlisted Commissioned
First Lieutenant 1
Regimental Sergeants-Major 4 P
Battalion Sergeants-Major 6 P
First Sergeants 1 P
Sergeants 7 (5P-2R)
Corporals 8 (4P-4R)
Cooks 3 P
Wagoners 5 P
Privates 1st Class 10 R
Privates 20 R
Total Enlisted - 64
Aggregate 65

P --Armed with Pistol
R -- Armed with Rifle

Replacement Battalion - to consist of Battalion Headquarters and Companies "A" and "B" - organized as follows:
Battalion Headquarters:

Enlisted Commissioned
Majors 1
1st Lieutenants 1
(Adjutant)
Battalion Sergeants-Major 1 P
Cooks 1 P
Privates - 1st Class 2 R
4 Total Enlisted 4
Aggregate 6

Regimental Company Strength:

Enlisted Commissioned
Captain 1
1st Lieutenants 3
2nd Lieutenants 2
First Sergeant 1 - P
Mess Sergeants 1 - P
Supply Sergeants 1 - P
Sergeants 12 - R
Corporals 33 - R
Cooks 4 - P
Mechanics 4 - P
Buglers 2 - R
Privates - 1st Class 64 - R
Privates 128 - R

250 Total Enlisted 250
Aggregate 256

Almost from the beginning the Intelligence Section, the Signal Corps Detachment, including the Photographic Unit of the Signal Corp., the Engineering Detachment, Ordnance, Quartermaster, Judge Advocate's Department and others were kept busy.

The Intelligence Section

One of the busiest sections was the Military Intelligence Division. With the arrival of additional officers an extensive organization was established.

The following data is taken from the Intelligence report by David P. Barrows, Lt. Col., Cav., U.S.A.
Following the arrival of the Commanding General, the Intelligence Section was given a more definite organization and its strength was greatly augmented by the arrival on September 29th of sixteen officers and fifteen Army field clerks who had been especially selected and dispatched to the Expedition by the Military Intelligence Division at Washington. These officers and clerks are as follows:
　
Captains John A. Powell, U.S.A.
" H.V.V. Fay, Engr, Corps. U.S.A.
" Frederic Vieweg, U.S.A.
" Montgomery Schuyler, U.S.A.
" Max Elser, Jr., Inf. U.S.A.
" Kenneth L. Roberts, U.S.A.
" F.F. Moore, U.S.A.
" F.B. Rives, U.S.A.
" Laurence B. Packard, U.S.A.
" J.E. McKenna, U.S.A.
" Roger W. Straus U.S.A.
1st Lt. Robert J. Scovell, Inf. U.S.A.
" " Ben Stinchfield, U.S.A.
" " R.L. Baggs, Inf. U.S.A.
" " Lawrence Richmond, Inf. U.S.A.
" " Max P. Cushing, U.S.A.
Army Field Clerks: F.H. White
H.A. McDonald
P.F. Barry
J.M. Tenny
G.H. Quinn
J.R. Mitchell
V.P. Ingram
C.L. Moseley
J.S. Cooke
B.J. Brown
R.L. Merrick
W.V. Hopiak
H.H. Werblow
Jos. Berliavsky
E.T. Gray
Organization of the Intelligence Section
(a) Intelligence Officer - Major David P. Barrows
(promoted to Lieutenant Colonel, Cavalry, October 26, 1918.)
Executive Officer - Captain Max Elser, Jr., Inf. U.S.A.
Positive Intelligence:
Captain Frederic Vieweg, Ord. U.S.A. - maps, guide books and information.
Captain Montgomery Schuyler, Ord., U.S.A. - general military information.
Captain Frank Brezina, P.S. - observing at front.
Captain Laurence Packard, U.S.A. - strength and distribution of allied and enemy forces.
Captain Conrad Skladal, P.S. - general military information.
1st Lt. Robt. J. Scovell, Inf. U.S.A. - political and social information.
1st Lt. Max B. Cushing, Inf. U.S.A. - economic information.
1st Lt. Karol B. Kozlowski, P.S. - general military information.
(b) Codes, Ciphers & Communications Section
Captain John A. Powell, U.S.A. - Officer in charge
Captain H.V.V. Fay, Engr., U.S.A. - enemy ciphers and civil mail censorship.
Captain Kenneth L. Roberts, U.S.A. - telegraph and cable censorship.
Captain J.E. McKenna, U.S.A. - encoding and decoding messages.
1st Lt. Ben Stinchfield - encoding and decoding and codes and ciphers.
(c) Contre-Espionage
Captain Francis B. Rives, U.S.A. - Officer in charge
Captain Roger W. Straus, U.S.A. - Contre-Espionage outside our forces.
1st Lt. Lawrence Richmond, Inf. U.S.A. - Contre-Espionage within our forces.
Captain Frederik F. Moore, U.S.A. - Military morale.
(d) Property & Disbursing Officer
Ist. Lt. Ralph L. Baggs, Inf. U.S.A. - Property and disbursing Officer. Lt. Baggs was from October 1st to 16th, 1918, on detached service, working on the Liberty Loan.
(e) Translating Sub-Section
A. Jacumin, Clerk, Quartermaster Corps.
Sgt. J.M> Northup, Q.M.C. (made 2nd Lieutenant, Corps of Interpreters, October 21, 1918).
The field clerks were assigned as follows:
(a 1) To Intelligence Officer - Wm. L. Healy
Executive Officer - F.H. White
Positive Intelligence Section
Army field clerks: B.J. Brown
E.T. Gray
J.S. Cooke
H.A. McDonald
J.M: Tenny
(b 1) Codes, Ciphers & Communications Section
Army field clerks: H.H. Werblow
W.V. Hopiak
V.P. Ingram
Jos. Berliavsky
(c 1) Contre-Espionage Section
Army field clerks: P.J. Barry
C.L. Moseley
J.R. Mitchell
G.H. Quinn
(d 1) To Property & Disbursing Officer

Army field clerk - R.L. Merrick. Mr. Merrick is also Record & Mail Clerk.
The limited field of action prescribed by the American Expeditionary Forces, has not afforded opportunity for the utilization of the Intelligence force as originally contemplated. Certain achievements undertaken with the approval of the Commanding General, may however, be recorded:

(a) During the months of August and September, careful check was kept upon enemy propaganda and Bolshevik agitation in Vladivostok and vicinity. A suspect list was formed. A thorough organization was made to protect the American Forces against enemy activity within the ranks. Happily this last service has not proven to be important.

(b) Through conference with Intelligence Officers of friendly forces a thoroughly satisfactory censorship of telegraph and post-office was organized in October under Captain Powell. This service is under the authority and sanction of the Russian local commander and is carried out in accordance with Russian law, each of the friendly nations contributing officers or employees in aid of the Russian effort.

(c) A similar service of passport control on incoming and outgoing steamers was organized. This was placed in charge of a British officer, but officers and employees of the American Intelligence Section afforded effective assistance which was warmly testified to by the Chief of Staff of the British Mission.

(d) An especially valuable service - examination of people seeking passports for embarkation to America, had been carried on under Captain Rives in connection with the American Consul. By an understanding with the American Consul, no person is given a visa except upon recommendation of the Intelligence Officer. America has been the center for the organization of enemy and radical agitation in Russia. Numbers of violent agitators have returned to Russia from America and there is a constant effort on the part of such people to go from this country to the United States. Their work has proven to be exceedingly harmful. Every effort should be made to assist in excluding such persons, whatever their nationality, from returning to the United States.

(e) Work of permanent value has been done in the collection of Russian Staff maps of Siberia and Russia and the translation and reproduction of these maps for blue-prints. Very great help in this work has been received from all sides. I desire, particularly, to record the assistance given by Colonel Emerson and officers of the RRS both during the recent months and last spring, and especially the services, in rafting maps, rendered by Lieutenant C.W. Fee of the R.R.S. This office now possesses copies and reproductions of staff maps. (Colonel Barrows lists over 600 original maps and many more miscellaneous maps of limited areas.) A considerable addition has also been made to our knowledge of the military geography of Asiatic and European Russian and Manchuria.

(f) The office maintained a translating section from the time of its arrival, doing general translating work from headquarters and a large amount of translation has been done from Russian daily journals and periodicals. Particular attention has been given to public opinion as reflected in editorial columns. The press of Japan has been included. The Expedition suffered the loss, by death, of its Japanese interpreter, Mr. John McKearney, who died of acute influenza, a few days after arrival. His work has been successfully carried out by Lieut. J.M. Northup, who was commissioned a lieutenant in the Corps of Interpreters October 21, 1918, and assigned to this section.

(g) The progress of the fighting and military movements in Eastern Russia and Turkestan has been closely followed and recorded in daily estimate of the military situation.
(h) The strength, organization and equipment of the staff and Intelligence services, and, in less degree, the tactics of the forces of friendly nations operating in Siberia have been as closely studied as opportunity permitted. At all times the most friendly cooperation has been received from the friendly forces, especially from Czech Headquarters, the British Mission and from the Russian Mission since its organization in Vladivostok by General Romanovsky. American Headquarters, have, however, at all times had its own independent sources of information in the field. Major Slaughter has been almost continually at Czech Headquarters in the Urals and a special mission under orders of the Commanding General was undertaken by Colonel Landon, Adjutant General, U.S.A. and Captain Brezina, P.S., who left Vladivostok on September 15, 1918 and proceeded as far west as Ufa and beyond, visiting Ekaterinburg and returning on October 29, 1918. By order of the Commanding General Captain Fay was sent to take station as observer, at Harbin, on October 12th. Other officers have been sent into the field as follows:

Capt. Montgomery Schuyler, U.S.A. to Omsk, Oct. 31, 1918.

Capt. F.F. Moore, U.S.A. to Chita, Dec. 11, 1918.
Capt. Roger W. Straus, U.S.A. to Blagovestchensk, Oct. 31, 1918.
Capt. Conrad Skladal, P.S. to Chita, Nov. 1, 1918.
1st Lt. R.J. Scovell, Inf. U.S.A. to Manchuria Station, Oct. 31, 1918.
1st. Lt. R.L. Baggs, Inf., U.S.A. to Verkne-Udinsk, Oct. 31, 1918.
1st Lt. B. Stinchfield, U.S.A. to Krasnoyarsk, Oct. 31, 1918.
1st Lt. M.B. Cushing, U.S.A. to Tomsk, Oct. 31, 1918.

Each of these officers has been accompanied by a Russian speaking orderly. In addition to making a detailed study of the military, political and economical conditions of their localities, these officers render telegraphic and written reports upon the immediate situation.
(i) About the end of the year Lieutenant colonel Barrows was directed by the Commanding General to go to Chita and make a special investigation of the situation occasioned there by the refusal of the Ataman Semeonov to recognize the Kolchak Government at Omsk. Lieut. Col. Barrows left Vladivostok December 8, 1918, and returned January 2, 1919.

The termination of the war and the limitation of the action of the American Expeditionary Forces, Siberia has now recommended a reduction in the size and efforts of the Intelligence Section. Captains Straus and Powell, by direction of the commanding General have already departed for the United States for retirement. Captain Brezina, and Lieut. Kozlowski have returned to the Philippines. Captain Skladal is under orders to return to former station. Mr. Jacumin returned on November 4, 1918.

(a) The arrival of the officers and enlisted men of the photographic section of the Signal Corps on November 5, 1918, was followed by the taking over by these officers of the photographic work previously done by the Intelligence Section. The signal work was transferred early to the Signal Officer, arriving with a Signal Company from Manila on September 18th. In the same month, Captain Jennings in the Engineer Corps was separated from the Intelligence Section.

(b) It is recommended: (1) that except as regards the character of intended emigrants or voyagers to the United States, the Contre-Espionage work be discontinued. (2) That unit advice is received from Washington that the necessity no longer exists for a postal and telegraph censorship at Vladivostok, the assistance no given to the Russian postal and telegraph censorship be continued. (3) That every practicable effort be made to continue and extend our knowledge of the military situation at the Urals and of the political conditions throughout Siberia. (4) That the collection of photographic data and the collection of maps continue as long as the expedition remains. (5) That the work of the translating section continue as at present, unless the Committee on Public Information reaches a position to take over a portion of this duty.

(Signed) David P. Barrows
Lt. Col., Cav., U.S.A.

As early as September the Intelligence Department learned that various factions in Vladivostok were attempting to purchase American uniforms and equipment from our soldiers. Two of the men from the Intelligence Department met with a would-be buyer on September 12th to ascertain his intentions. They had had a report dated September 10th, stating that the agent was representing an Austrian who was trying to purchase arms and uniforms from the doughboys. He make offers to buy 150 automatic pistols and wanted as many uniforms, overcoats and blankets as he could get. Another Austrian was also said to have made offers to the soldiers. Two Russians, one speaking English, were observed wearing the American uniform with the exception of the shoes. One wore a pair of black shoes and the other a pair of Russian boots.

The officials were dismayed and laid down strict orders to all troops regarding the selling of any of their clothing. The situation was deemed so serious that orders and lectures were continually given to the men.

The Signal Corps Detachment

A detachment of 18 members of the Co. "D", 53rd telegraph Battalion, Signal Corps, equipped to establish semi-permanent communications, accompanied the 27th Infantry Regiment to Vladivostok, arriving August 15th-16th, 1918. The strength of the company was eventually raised to 81 enlisted men.

Telephone installation connecting the various organizations of the Expedition located in and around Vladivostok began on September 19th.

Telegraphic communications were established to Khabarovsk and to Chita (1,850 miles from Vladivostok) via Khabarovsk.

The Photographic Unit - (Signal Corps)

The Siberian Sojourn Volume II- Chapter 22

2009-05-26T13:12:00.000-07:00

The Americans Settle in at Vladivostok

On September 14th and 27th, General Graves wrote to General Peyton C. March, Chief of Staff, War Department, Washington, D.C. Graves brought out some very salient points regarding his problems in Siberia.

On the 14th, he mentioned that he was enclosing a memorandum submitted by the surgeon which showed the number of prostitutes plying their trade in Vladivostok. "Considering the size of the town, the number is appalling, and I suppose the estimate is not very excessive." He continued by saying that conditions made it very difficult to handle the questions of prostitution and of liquor. "There is no law and nobody clothed with authority to establish law. Just before I came, they had decided to let the commander of a detachment called "Militia" declare Martial Law. This was based on the theory that the man selected was operating under the Zemstvo, which was the last government here that the allied governmentals had recognized, and in that way the allies could be consistent. Just before this act was pulled off, another Colonel who represented Horvat, evidently induced this Militia to desert the man selected and come over and join him. This produced another complication which caused delay."

The letter spoke of the meeting of the Allied commanders the previous day when it was decided that something had to be done as enemy agents were all over the town trying to sell liquor to the soldiers. These agents were also attempting to buy the clothes of the soldiers. In some cases they tried to induce soldiers to desert and resist their officers because the latter represented the monied class. When the soldiers did buy liquor one case at least was found to be wood alcohol and a British soldier died from the effects of drinking it. "The have even tried to induce sailors at least in one instance, to take a bomb on board ship and blow up the shop," Graves wrote.
Graves explained that most of the Allied commanders thought the men representing the Zemstvo should declare martial law. Graves felt it would help but feared that the Bolsheviks would cause trouble. A British subject who was half Russian and spoke the language was put in as town mayor before Graves arrived. This seemed to be a disaster and the only qualification the man had seemed to have is that he spoke Russian. "He is about as stupid as a man can be."
The letter showed that Graves intended to keep the 27th Infantry away from Vladivostok. He wrote, "The quarter question for the men is not so difficult here. If the 27th Infantry, now with the line, remains up there, which I contemplate doing, the Russian barracks are splendidly constructed, and if we can ever get them clean the men will be quite comfortable. They have been occupied by refugees and are naturally very filthy. . ."
The General said that there was no more trouble anticipated from the Bolsheviks as long as Allied and Czech troops remained in Siberia. "The Russians seemed to suspect everybody or claimed they did. However, some of their pretentions are for political reasons. Business is practically dead but I am informed that certain firms are beginning to bring in supplies. So far, one is unable to buy anything needed."
"I have been informed that the Japanese are buying many of the business concerns here. This may be just the rumor to discredit the Japanese. I find very few people trust them. I personally feel that I have had no trouble with them at all. They not only seem anxious to cooperate in every way possible but try to show this desire by consulting me with reference to the most trivial matters.
Graves told March that as far as the railroad situation was concerned it was "very trying." There seemed to be no management at all and "every party is always jockeying with the railroad with the idea of getting some political advantage."
He added: "It seems too bad that the Steven railroad service men could not be permitted to operate it; this would immediately cause claim on the part of some factions that foreigners were taking over Russia. Horvat, having been president of the railroad, Chinese Eastern and Trans-Siberian, and he also having the desire to become dictator, it is always causing trouble with the railroad, and people claim he is using the road for political purposes."
On September 24th, Graves wrote again after receiving a cablegram from March relative to the Supreme War Council. He looked into the matter and was informed by Japanese Headquarters that General Otani had not authorized any such Council. "Which of course I knew (unless I was to be disregarded) as they had said nothing to me about it." Upon further investigation Graves learned that General Nakajima would sit in one of the committees and discuss matters which the committee had no authority to handle. "I now believe, Graves wrote, "this was done for a purpose. I think the Japanese authorities here notified their government that the committee was of the opinion, - - so and so - - and, in order to make it more forceful, they spoke of the committee as Superior War Committee." The Japanese government in turn apparently used what the Japanese authorities at Vladivostok told them when it suited their government policy to use this information.
"I have, in writing," Graves went on, "told General Otani that all matters of any moment would have to be submitted to me for my action. I have also told my officers that in case subjects were discussed about which they had no authority, to tell the committee that they were without authority, and that the matter would have to be submitted to me."
Graves referred to a cablegram that he had sent regarding expenses; they were of an unusual kind." He felt it was absolutely necessary to incur them and would continue to do so unless instructed differently,. . ."always keeping in mind the fact that the expenditures must be kept 'within the law.' "
The Commanding General of the A.E.F. Siberia was apparently worried about the supplies in Vladivostok. He said he would have to make an effort to straighten out questions regarding same, as "I am on the spot here." He explained that no one seemed to know exactly what property was in Vladivostok although he had two or three supposed lists. He wondered what would happen to the materials after the termination of the war.
"I believe now that the Russians and Czechs are opening the warehouses and carefully listing all the property. There are some rumors that the various allies (or some of them) are taking the property which they say were for their use."
What seemed to concern Graves most was the fact that the American Railway men had taken three machines which they said were for their use and that such items, and others used by the Red Cross and the YMCA, were all charged to the Americans. Graves wrote to General Otani suggesting that an Inter-Allied Committee be authorized to list the property and keep track of it; then, any Allied nation taking any of it would give a receipt for same to the Japanese Headquarters. Copies of this receipt would go to the representative of each of the Allied governments.
"At Japanese Headquarters they professed to be very favorable to this proposition, but I am beginning to doubt it. The French and English both said they would have to think it over. No one government can keep track of it as the sentinels could not possibly guard it. . ."
He added that he felt a great deal of property stacked up there should be utilized. "I have seen certainly a million dollars worth of cotton piled out in the open. Some of it under canvas, other -- the canvas rotted off and some of the bagging also rotted; and, of course, the cotton is being ruined. A great deal of rubber is also visible. A great many automobiles, still boxed, are seen in various places around the town."
Graves seemed to fear going to Omsk as he did not want any intimatio erty of recommending that the troops be put in Battalion Posts at various towns between Vladivostok and Omsk. This is done with the belief that it will extend the sphere of influence of the United States and help the Russian people, and at the same time cannot be open to the objection above referred to."
Before closing his long letter Graves stated that he felt Vladivostok was "probably one of the worst towns for soldiers in Siberia." He did not think that more than one thousand Americans (one battalion) and a hospital outfit should be kept up there. "There are barracks in all the large towns and the men could easily be quartered without very much additional expense. . ."[i]

- Men of the SHERIDAN and the LOGAN -

The men on board the SHERIDAN and LOGAN were as anxious to look at the city as had been the members of other contingents. When someone had cried "Land Ho" there was a general rush to the decks. They had left San Francisco on the day that Graves arrived in Siberia.
Rodney Sprigg said that he was as far forward as was permitted. Through his field glasses he saw, "on a stern and rock bound coast the land rises to great heights directly from the water's edge."[ii] The ridge of mountain was sharply cleft. As the boat approached the center of the passageway an island loomed up which "looked like a young Gibraltar, cannon and big guns everywhere."[iii]
The vision rose in splendor and was mirage-like. In all weathers and in all seasons, at all times of day or night, the reaction of approaching Americans was the same. In the early morning the city shown in the sunlight. Sometimes fog at first affected the view, but when it lifted, the clarity of the sight ahead was breathtaking. In the late afternoon the glittering minarets reflected the fire of the setting sun. At dusk there was a strange unworldly air to the scene.
By sundown the men arriving on the SHERIDAN and LOGAN listened to the commotion in the harbor. The BROOKLYN'S blue jackets were hailing them. At the pier the 31st Infantry Band was playing. A carnival air prevailed. All eyes turned to an approaching launch from the BROOKLYN. Of this Sprigg said, "In true American style of real seamanship, the little launch came alongside, tossing in the heavy swell. It was close enough for the pilot to board by use of a Jacob's ladder without ever touching the ship's side. A very pretty bit of seamanship. Once the pilot was aboard we started in."[iv]
The SHERIDAN had received a wire prior to docking demanding to know why it was so long in arriving. The tenor or the message aroused anxiety as it came from the military. There was considerable concern as to whether there was an emergency or not. However, the same wire stated that the Bolshevik front had been pushed back some five thousand miles. What then prompted the demand for an explanation for the delay?
As the SHERIDAN rounded Churkin Point the panorama of Vladivostok rolled out before her. The men saw a city of white and red buildings, four or five stories high interspersed with churches with those shining golden minarets. After steaming to the end of the bay, Sprigg said the transport docked. He added, "I say dock for want of a better word. There are no real docks in the Orient. You either anchor in mid-stream, if the water is deep enough, or tie up along the sea wall which runs around the bay. Here the sea wall was our dock." As soon as the transport was tied up General Graves boarded and was immediately asked why a wire had been sent questioning her delay.
The General evoked a hearty hail of laughter when he explained that the entire American personnel were starved for mail from home which was buried in the mail sacks aboard the dilatory SHERIDAN. Hence, the reply to the wire gave them some sort of date as to when they might expect the longed-for news from home.
Sprigg wrote that the city seemed beautiful but had a dead, deserted look. Suddenly he and his colleagues realized what was wrong. There was absolutely no industry. "Tied alongside the seawall and on top of it, were countless ships, just rusting," he wrote. "There were merchant ships, Russian gunboats and large liners. We saw eleven Russian torpedo boats without a single soul aboard and the fittings were there for those who wanted them. If no one walked off with the parts they would simply rust. No one seemed to care. After they tied up alongside, I was surprised to see Patterson, Major Galen, and Dean Barrows on the dock. All were big as life and smiling broadly. As evening was coming on no one was permitted to go ashore, officers or men. I was an exception because of my duties as police officer. I went down the dock and received a most cordial greeting from the men, but I decided not to leave the ship that first night as the mud was neck deep in all directions, no exaggeration. Besides I did not want to run off when the rest of the fellows could not go."[v]
As Sprigg was packing below he heard a knock on his stateroom door. Opening it he saw it was the guard he had posted.
"Excuse me, sir, but there are two Russian girls at the gangway. They are agitated, and wish to see someone."
Sprigg got his interpreter, Gray, and went to investigate the matter. On the way he met Captain Broebeck and said, "Come on along Captain, let's see what Russia is all about."
They found the two girls, but it was impossible to tell if they were good looking or not in the pitch black. The young women were talking very fast in Russian and the interpreter was saying "da da." Then he turned to Sprigg and explained that the girls were looking for an engineer who was supposed to be on the transport.
"They say they know his is on one of our transports."
He had indeed previously been on one of the transports but had not been signed up for this trip. The girls were distraught; Broebeck went to escort the girls back to their droskie only to find that the droskie had left them high and dry; or rather left them in the mud. They looked around: "What will we do?" they asked. "there is no transportation, no telephone, eighteen inches of mud and the street car is half a mile up the road." Gray explained their predicament to Sprigg.
"I guess we will have to carry them," came the response. Thus Sprigg and Broebeck each put a girl on his shoulder and off they trudged through the mud. The rough road did not help matters.
"How we managed is more than I can say," Sprigg wrote, "but we did. After a desperate struggle we arrived at the street car. The young ladies, who could not speak one word of English pleaded with us, by motions, to stay. But I had had enough. I stomped my way back, leaving the rest of the adventure to Broebeck."
Wondering if he would get through the half mile without trouble Sprigg heard a terrific rumpus inside a building he was passing. Just as he came opposite the door it was thrown open and out came a stocky, little red-head who Sprigg recognized as Red Mickey, one of the ship's crew. "He was drunk as a lord and thought he could whip the world. He had tackled too big a part of it already and had received a royal beating and was thrown out there into the mud. His valor was still great, greater than his judgment, for he tried to attack the strong hold again."
Sprigg held Mickey by the arm. "Come on now, let's get back to the ship."
The red-head was not impressed. However, he began the trek back picking the spots out of every extra deep mud hole he encountered. Sprigg says, "I would have like to have a picture of him as he went aboard the ship. A human ball of mud would be a fairly good description."[vi]
the men still on board the SHERIDAN complained about the food. One reported, "they fed us spoiled meat and we did not have any bread at all. On the way over they had a place where bread was baked for officers only. we just tried to get a piece of bread. Not even one slice was given to us. The meat we ate did not stay on our stomachs and we were so hungry we ate raw potatoes which we found on top of the deck."
Another said, "the food was inedible and the ship smelled like a neglected barn lot. It was the SHERIDAN. I was told it had been a cattle boat and it sure still smelled like one when we were on it."
Disgusted or surprised as were many of the men, they were glad that the weather was warm and clear. The following day the men did debark and some were quartered in the Baldwin locomotive building. The officers remained aboard as no quarters were available for them.
Some of the men were marched off the boat. For seven miles they tramped to the tune of Yankee Doodle. David Moore says, "We were the hungriest bunch of men you ever set eyes on."
Then the bitching and growling really started. They were utterly demoralized by the whole situation and were concerned not only with their present predicament but with the desire for an answer to the question of why they were there and who their enemies were. They suspected that offensive action would be impossible as they had strict orders not to wage any kind of war on any force or any faction unless they were attacked first. This left them at a disadvantage, to say the least. In their condition and without arms they realized that they could be annihilated if their so-called enemy were to materialize.
Finally they sat down to eat. It was slumgullion again but in spite of the fear of more poisoning, the men, in their hunger, wolfed the meal down. Anything would have tasted good. Then they had a new food experience: They saw hardtack crawling for the first time! "I was so hungry I ate it maggots and all," said one doughboy, "but from that day on I always carried a piece of bread with me, sometimes fora week at a time, wrapped in paper."
Eventually some of the men reached the barracks. They had hiked with full pack for about three miles along a cobble stone road for an hour and a half. They were told to clean up the barracks. The RRSC men and the marines were supposed to have done the job but the doughboys retched in revulsion when they saw the filthy conditions. Excrement, maggots and flies were everywhere. Besides the dirt, the men didn't like the condition of the windows. Most had been shot or knocked out. But anyway it was a place to sleep and tired as they were the men heaved to and began to clean.
About eight o'clock that night the group was called by name, lined up again and, with light packs this time, marched off.
This time they were marched along the tracks to a train and were loaded on a two-decker freight car and stowed in like sardines. They literally had to kneel to get in. Then the train started off. Two and a half hours later they arrived back at the dockside they had left in the morning!
They went the opposite way for a mile to the Signal Corps Headquarters, arriving there about midnight. The cook served them hot coffee and doughnuts and they were each issued a bed sack, without straw, and planked down on the concrete floor. They were so tired that they felt as though they were sleeping on feather beds.
The large, old Russian barracks were designed to hold the troops of the Czar for an anticipated retaliation against the Japanese for the ignoble defeat suffered in 1905. All the barracks were of a general style and were occupied by various Allied troops. They were built of brick walls, three feet thick, double storm windows, and were divided into three squad rooms with smaller rooms for officers located in the ends and between each squad room. In the one in which Roy Coalson lived each squad room accommodated approximately one hundred men. The occupants were: Quartermaster Detachment, Medical Supply Depot, Ordnance Detachment and Base Dental Office. It also housed the kitchen mess hall and the latrine. "One big round Russian stove built from the floor nearly to the ceiling suppled the heat in my squad room for the winter," Coalson said, and added that "one man had the duty of shoveling the coal. The bed was a regular canvas cot with a straw mattress. We discovered that newspaper between the cot and the straw sack helped a lot in winter. We had three or four blankets and when it got too cold one could always use his sheepskin coat."
One of the doughboys recalled they had a Russian who watched their fire box and they appropriately called him Clinker.
Another man reports that his group couldn't get any heat out of the stoves. They had to get the bricks hot but they couldn't seem to do so. So, "We sat shivering, eating apricot jam and crackers. Finally they gave us two pot belly stoves. Trouble was between the second floor and the ceiling there was a space filled with sawdust. That was the place for the mice. So we had to tear the whole thing apart, tear the floors out and take out all the sawdust and put in the new floors, and plane them by hand. This is what we did; between the floors and joints we put wrapping paper. Later, early in February, the barracks caught fire. We lost Roberts, one of the railroad engineers, and everything in the barracks."
There was a variety of opinion among the men regarding their feelings upon arrival in Vladivostok during that month. Tessmen recalled daily physical training. Lay was disgusted and Jeremiah surprised. Boyer couldn't get over the fact that such primitive conditions could exist in the Twentieth Century. Dexter though there was no order and that conditions were dreadful. McQuiddy stated that in their spirit of adventure they were ready to meet anything but many men quickly contacted pneumonia. They had no bathing facilities for the next three months.
Perry Hanson felt the real problem as far as he was concerned was bathing as the company bathhouses had not been fixed up. In the interim the men had to use public bathhouses. He reported: "One of my assignments was to take a group of our men to one of these larger bathhouses in Vladivostok. Everyone used the public bathhouses, and at times is really became a problem to get a 'spot', as they were lined up for a block - - especially on Saturday night. Dad, Mom and all the kids, lined up, waiting for their turn. Well, when I arrived one evening with a 'small army' of guys, and many others waiting, I saw at once that there would be a lot of explaining to do, and I couldn't speak a word of Russian! When I approached the girl at the window, I was getting more nervous by the minute. How was I going to explain this situation, and try and get a 'spot' for all of these fellows? I though I detected a 'twinkle' in this gal's eye, but she let me 'sweat it out' for a few minutes, then, to my surprise she began laughing - - this gal could speak English like nobody's business; well, why not, she had been BORN IN ENGLAND, and educated there. (We got a 'spot' ahead of a lot of other people, but for a time, I didn't know whether to 'kiss her, or kill her'; humm, now that I am thinking about it, I'm sure the former would have been better.)"[vii]
Men of the Ordnance Depot Company considered their sleeping arrangements excellent. First, they had a bed tick which was filled with hay and then placed on sanitary cots. Five OD woolen blankets were issued to each member of the company. Zimmerman made his bed in a special way and managed to keep warm most of the time. He recalls, "I placed one blanket on top of the so-called mattress tucking it under all around with the exception of the head, the second blanket I placed over this tucking it at the foot and the back side. Two blankets were then doubled and the fifth was placed over all. This gave me six thicknesses of blanket to sleep under and I still had the OD overcoat and the sheepskin lined overcoat to put over the blankets should the occasion demand it, and there were such occasions."
Zimmerman would have liked to own an auto but they were scarce and the gasoline cost $1.80 a gallon. Moreover, driving was not particularly easy. He said, "there were no paved, blacktop or oiled highways in the city or in the surrounding country. Svetlanskaya Street runs full length of the city with about one-third paved with brick, the balance is cobblestone which provides the worst kind of pleasure driving except for dirt roads. The best stretch of highway out of the city was of crushed rock constructions. It extended only for a distance of about ten miles from the end of the street car line."
The Base of Supplies consisted of three very large wooden structures and one structure of smaller size. "They must have been designed for some railway installation," Zimmerman though, "as railroad rails had been laid in the floor of each of the larger buildings and the doors thereto were large enough to accommodate the largest railway vehicle. It is doubtful if the installation had ever been used. The smaller of the three buildings was used to house five hund ase of Supplies, on the hillside overlooking the base. All other organizations were moved from this first location to make room for the supplies that were unloaded from the LOGAN and SHERIDAN.
Life in the barracks was rather dull. Lights were put out at 9 pm although some men were permitted out on pass until 11 pm.
After the men were finally quartered the officers had to look for quarters for themselves. This was a difficult task owing to the fact that the Russian vocabulary was very limited as far as the Americans were concerned.
"Major Johnson, however, spoke the language fluently and finally landed a room for Lt. Johnson, Lt. Hussey and myself," wrote Sprigg to his wife. "(It was) in the home of a Russian Colonel whose name I cannot even pronounce let alone spell it. Take it all back, Lt. Johnson has it written down, Korvatoski pronounce it yourself, here's another Lt. Visheslaftsell. I will be able to pronounce them both by the time I get home, but at present they are rather beyond me. We moved in, the three of us, while Major Johnson got a room in the house of the local Priest. Our first error was sleeping with the windows open, unheard of in Russia. One would die, and because I had the grippe, they were more convinced than ever. When, in spite of protests, we kept them open and I regained my normal sweet disposition. I really think that one of the old ladies was rather disappointed, for the Major told me that she had stated that my death was a certainty if I remained foolish enough to continue to sleep in the night air. Very sorry to disappoint the old lady but it had to be done. I will draw a plan of the house and describe our situation:

"Rooms 1, 2, 3, 4 are occupied by Col Korvatoski, his wife, his daughter, her baby, her husband, and two servants. 1. is the kitchen, 2. is the dining room, 3. the Colonel's office, and 4. the bedroom. Just how they manage the sleeping position is more than I can state. 5. is the front hall, 6. is occupied by an aged women, an officers wife, Russian, who has been killed. She is the one who predicted my demise. 7. is occupied by three American officers, Hussey, Johnson and Sprigg, and 8. is occupied by a variable number of Russian soldiers; there never being less than four and sometimes there are forty. Toilet and bathing facilities are nil. At least I have been unable to locate anything of that sort. I honestly believe that the only bath tub or shower in the place is in our infirmary. I think that water is only used in this country for the purpose of floating boats. There is not a water pipe, gas pipe, or any other king of a pipe, everybody smokes cigarettes in the whole blooming country."[viii]
The five days after arrival, and after having found barracks for the men, were, to Sprigg, but a hazy memory of "meals, much paper work, poor service records, eighteen hours of labor a day and no sleep the rest of the time."
"I must confess, La Grippe," he wrote, "caught me in her tallons and for five days I was the sickest. . .in Siberia, and to make it worse I couldn't quit, for there was so much work to do and so few to do it. I must have been in a comatose state part of the time, for some of my letters are coming back, for more detailed information. A six-year old child could have done better, and what is more, I haven't the slightest recollection of writing some of them. However, I am all straightened out now and things are going merrily and very fast. At the present time, I am Adjutant Supply Officer, mess officer, summary court, and part of the time, during Major Johnson's absence, commanding officer. Anyone of the jobs is supposed to keep one officer busy, and if you don't believe that yours truly is busy with all of them you miss your guess."[ix]
Colonel Robinson and Major Eichelberger were settled in at their headquarters. They shared a room on the same floor as their office, dining room, etc. "The largest drawback," Eichelberger wrote, "is that there is but one bathroom for every ten officers and very little water. But our room is large, lighted by electricity, has walls a yard thick and windows overlooking Golden Horn. The BROOKLYN lies below my window about 200 feet away. This afternoon we were out in two machines looking at the Russian barracks with a view to using them for our troops in place of those so near into town."[x]
Regarding women, Eichelberger said he though the Bolsheviks must have scared all the decent looking ones away as he couldn't see any. "All the inhabitants are dirty and smell like Billy Goats. We would prefer to get our soldiers as far away as possible as it is dangerous to eat fruits or berries without washing them in boiling water, etc. Also for other reasons!"[xi]
A few of the officers went to a cabaret and were hysterical to find great fat women entertaining them with "Tipperary," and "Just Because She Made Those Goo Goo Eyes," sung in Russian.
The officers couldn't get over the scarcity of trees around Vladivostok. The countryside was beautiful but as soon as they left the town they left the few trees behind them. This is the reverse of what one usually finds. but it was learned that the Russians had cleared the trees away for military reasons. Every hill top was covered with placements for big guns.
One of the officers wrote to his wife, "Our assignments finally came and we were sent to Churkin Point, a small place near Vladivostok. The Barracks that were assigned to us were typically Russian." He repeated the off-heard comment of walls being about two and a half feet thick and made of brick, double windows, double doors, etc. "On inspection the conclusion was inevitable that at times during the year that this part of the country suffered from cold! The building itself is very substantially built, and is, as are all things in Russia, very dirty. Filth everywhere! The Mexican idea of sanitation compares very favorably with that of the Russian refugee. A good strong work detail was necessary to make the place liveable. This, under Lt. Hussey's direction, was finally accomplished, and we moved in."[xii]
At Churkin Point there was a new concrete quay which would make it possible to moor and unload three steamers if necessary. Just south of this point the artillery wharf was located for ships of twenty-five foot draft and three hundred fifty feet in length.
A railroad track ran all the way from the wide new concrete mole around the shore of the Horn to the artillery wharf south of Churkin Point.
Sprigg felt that in general the people liked and respected the Americans. He said the American policy over there was fine as far as the educated people were concerned. In fact, everybody except the coolies and the Japanese approved of it. "The latter think we are easy going but realize that in case of necessity we can act and respect and treat us accordingly. We pay for everything we get in contrast to the Japanese who help themselves. The coolies, Chinese, and the Japanese or Maccaca, monkey, as they are termed, take our attitude as being one of weakness and fear; consequently, our orders which require us to make friends are rather difficult to follow at times. This afternoon as I was coming back from Vladivostok with my interpreter in a sampan, the two Chinamen began talking about us, my interpreter translating it for me as they talked. When we landed my blood was boiling. I paid the man his proper fare and he demanded more, as they all do. I walked away, he ran up to me and cursed me in Russian while the other sampan man laughed. When my interpreter told what he was saying I let fly with the aid of wire rope, whaled Mr. Coolie until he yelled for mercy. At six o'clock this evening it was necessary for me to go to the sampan landing and the courtesy and kowtowing of those orientals was good to see. Colonel Korvatoski told us that my station was established and that in the future I would have no trouble; furthermore, if all the American soldiers would do the same thing at the opportune moment then all troubles with the coolies would cease."[xiii]

The Americans found that before they could take their longed for sightseeing trip to town they had to cope with endless statistics devoid of any human element. Everything began happening in rapid fire succession once the men had been given a place to sleep and food to eat. Before long buddy was saying goodbye to buddy as the movement started out along the line.
Once passes were given, the men descended like locusts upon the city of Vladivostok. There is perhaps no more curious race in the world than the American youth who always wants to taste each new experience. This one seemed to be like walking back into yesteryear.
An ex-captain of the American Red Cross serving with the AEF mentioned that he recalled an old woodcut in his school geography picturing a poor fur-wrapped creature riding in a Russian troika (three horse sleigh) through snow at least ten feet deep. Out of a black pine forest, lean hungry wolves were running in hot pursuit.[xiv]
Many doughboys had the same picture of Siberia. Therefore, they could not get over the vast clutter of people in a city which seemed like a metropolis they might encounter anywhere. The clutter, however, was maddening. One man said, "it was almost to the point of standing room only." After being in the transport the scene seemed to change to a kaleidoscope of military forces consisting of troops of many nations. But a strange odor filled the air. It was this that often sent the men from the city to the outskirts. Those who stayed on in the city saw the antiquated street cars, the cobblestone streets and the milling mobs. Chinese coolies were selling colored water, and rice cakes, sunflower seeds and candied crabapples on stocks from their fly-infested dirty carts. Along the street the Americans saw bullet riddled buildings. As the men roamed through the American docks toward the main business section, they encountered every stink and pestilence in the Orient. After passing the muddy and cluttered side-streets they would come to Svetlanskaya, the main artery, and find automobiles skooting up and down at record speeds. Women were watching and some of the solemn children waved. The city looked like a vast military camp, yet to some, witnessing the gaudy and varied costumes, uniforms and types of clothes, the panorama seemed like the grand finale to a great musical.
But the background was not all that is should have been. Everything showed signs of decay. People were lounging about, enjoying their new-found freedom, but doing no work. The Americans wondered what had happened to the innate pride of the people.
Noting the dreadful sanitation problems in the city, some of the men were concerned about typhus and cholera. They had heard rumors that the refugees carried it and refugees were everywhere. Nevertheless, the doughboys continued to roam around. There was so much to see. The shoreline spread out far into the distance. Immense buildings framed the waterfront. The city and its environs looked a thousand years old. There seemed to be no law and order and dead bodies could be found everywhere. On the credit side of the ledger the general attitude seemed more friendly than hostile. Having heard the legendary stories of salt mines and banishment, most of the men were surprised at what they saw. There was a great feeling of excitement and wide-eyed curiosity attempting to identify different ethnic groups and classes, exploring and getting acquainted with a new environment, making adjustments to new conditions, estimating sources of danger; and they continuing to wonder why they were there. Conditions were in a state of flux with shifting populations, politics and authority, but every effort was made to refrain from unnecessary interference with the Russians and to aid as much as possible in solving urgent problems. The doughboys were constantly reminded by the officers that they were not there to conquer and therefore had no rights beyond the direct orders regarding their own security and well being.
The men who were not looking for a wild spree, attending shows, getting drunk on vodka or visiting Kopek Hill (the red light district) perhaps have more memories than their brothers in the service who were less reflective. They took time to sit on the benches in the park, to walk along the docks and up into the hills. They reflected on the great melting pot which was Vladivostok. A strange city both oriental and European. The beauty of the country-side was unbelievable. The varied cultures and customs were fascinating. Siberia seemed to be a place that had much to offer in agricultural potentialities and mineral wealth. Its cities were filled with almost every type of foreigner. Instead of dark forests the men found this shining city perched upon swelling green hills with old world buildings and screeching modern automobiles. Literally a cross section of the world seemed to be in the cafes and on the streets. More than one man feels that he would like to revisit Vladivostok again.
It did not take the observant men long to learn that Vladivostok was located on the western coast of the Sea of Japan; this sea was more or less equally divided between Korea on the south and Siberia on the north. The extreme southern part of the Siberian coast was indented by the large bay, known as Peter the Great. At its head a peninsula extended southwestward, dividing the bay into two smaller bodies called the Gulfs of Amur on west, and Ussuri on the east. A small arm of the Amur Gulf extended eastward into the blunt end of the peninsula. It was on the shores of this small arm, called Golden Horn Bay, that the city of Vladivostok was situated. The peninsula was found to be hilly and the hills that encircled the city rose to over seven hundred feet in altitude and continued northward in a series of parallel ridges. Thus the configuration of both land and water gave the city a very strongly defensive character!
The population was about 120,000 of which about two-thirds was Russian and the remainder Chinese, Korean and Japanese.
Vladivostok was found to be the capital of the Maritime Province of the Amur District. Khabarovsk was the political capital of the entire district but Vladivostok, owing to its geographical position and importance, was in reality the principal city. As the eastern terminus of the Trans-Siberian Railroad and Russia's most valuable port on the Pacific, the city was of prime strategic and economic importance to that country.
As the Yanks walked around they realized that danger could lurk everywhere. They knew that Vladivostok was wide open although there was supposed to be prohibition. Some of the men got into the cafes and never got out, while others spent their time visiting splendid gilt-domed churches which had adjoining graveyards that fascinated the Americans.
When they could ride they took the street cars or the droskies. The droskies were pulled by two horses, and were queer looking vehicles to our men. On the first afternoon the American soldiers managed to wreck one of the Russian 'tin lizzies.' They were usually operated by women in their housedresses. Many of the passengers carried huge bundles wrapped in bed sheets or tablecloths. The trollies were crowded beyond any the men had ever seen; many Americans preferred to walk. To quote one man, they were "half size electric cars that ran along Svetlanskaya Street to the end of the cobblestones near the American Base that is, if and when they were not being repaired and if and when there was power.[xv]
Pickpockets infested the crowded cars. Those men who gave up on the trollies and walked, had other problems. The streets were paved with cobblestones, but not with the large smooth-faced type which were steam rollered. Instead, they were half the size of stones used for paving in America and they were laid with the sharpest side up!
Sooner or later the men stood in awe at the bathing beaches. It was getting cooler now but the undaunted Russians continued to bathe in the nude. "No one in all of Russia wore a swim suit. And the Russian women were beautiful too. Some of the men had tattoos and a few had heads of men tattooed on their chests or backs. They resembled our bearded Smith Brothers drawings that appear on cough drop boxes," said a sailor.[xvi]
A soldier reported, "we discovered a very intriguing aspect of Russian living. The beaches were lined with sun worshippers. None wore bathing suits. The sight of hundreds of men, women and children stark naked and perfectly at ease arouse ted States, especially those not acquainted with the Orient, were appalled at conditions as far as heat, food and sanitation were concerned. It was a nightmare. Borda recorded his impressions:
"Viewed from the happy confines of a ship in the harbor, Vladivostok was an attractive city. . .(but) such delusion was immediately torn away as soon as one put foot ashore. Every street was an open sewer. This was tolerable in winter with everything frozen but horrendous in spring and summer. The odors of the Orient can only be experienced, not described. Added to the absence of sanitation, was the personal filth of nearly all individuals, Russians and Orientals alike. There was ample evidence of the fact that the great majority never washed and in all probability never had baths. These conditions caused death and disease to be rampant. Typhus was epidemic."
"Thousands upon thousands of refugees lived like rats in freight cars. Food and fuel were the only things that mattered to these poor humans."
"When we first arrived there, there would be hundreds of refugees lined up at the company garbage cans to dip tins or cups into our garbage and thereby have something to sustain life. Knowing this, many soldiers would ear sparingly and throw away 'good' garbage. It became a waste of American food, so this practice had to stop."
"We lost several sentries who were guarding coal supplies and were killed for the handful of fuel that could be gathered in a short time, and also for the very clothes the sentries wore."
"Vodka, both good and poisonous was available everywhere. Opium and cocaine were openly peddled in the streets. This was a veritable wide open city with little or no value on the human life."[xvii]
One soldier reported that there were no toilets, so all used open spaces, no paper so they used bunches of grass. "Men were even using the grass on the women! This sure brought laughs from all of us." And another reported that as soon as possible the older soldiers would unofficially take the raw recruits to the bathing beach to show them the sights. Sight of the nude swimmers was quite a shocker in addition to being a source of amusement to many of them who came from the long-stocking, black-dress bathing suit era of America. It also excited some of the men and they would journey from the bathing beach sights to the houses on Kopeck Hill for "further entertainment."[xviii]
One marine recalls how they would climb a cliff about one hundred feet above the beach to watch the nude bathers. The marine recalled that, "we took a path down the cliff to the entrance of the bathhouse and dressing rooms and asked for a bathing suit. The Russian at the window said no savvy and threw us a towel each. We were stumped. But we decided to keep our shorts on. There was a cat walk separating the men from the women and on this cat walk the nude women were lined up looking down on us, a couple of freaks with shorts on. I guess they wondered who these people were who would cover themselves up to go bathing. The Russian men swimmers also seemed to group themselves together and we had the whole place to ourselves. We soon tired of the views and swam back in. I guess they though we were as funny as we though they were."[xix]
Some shady dealing occurred within the A.E.F. itself. Henry Fry related: "In the Headquarters outfit was the smartest cookie you ever saw. He had been born, raised and educated in Vladivostok. He knew everyone and worked out of the office where the contracts were let, to translate them into Russian. But he secretly worked out another one with the Russian firm the army was dealing with. In the end, the army would be paying this guy an additional ten to twelve percent above what the contractor would have done the work for. He split his loot with a sergeant and it is said that he cleaned up some sixty-six thousand dollars while he was there."
Whitehead thought that human life was held very cheaply in Vladivostok. To him it seemed as though Europe represented the main house, Siberia the kitchen, and Vladivostok the back door where all the cupboards were bare.
It was a curious war city. The two largest department stores were owned by Germans, one of whom, a few months after the American soldiers arrived, appeared at the United States Consulate and subscribed to twenty-five thousand dollars worth of Liberty Bonds. The Headquarters of the United States Expeditionary Forces had been the home of the employees of one of these enemy concerns until Major General Graves arrived.[xx]
The influx of Germans into Vladivostok was so great throughout the war that many Russians attributed the weaknesses of their own army to intrigues of the Germans. After the allies landed they searched for German agents, many of whom were citizens of neutral countries. At lunch one day in the Zolotoi Rog Cafe there were several American army officers. Carl Ackerman of the New York Times recognized a German who he had encountered in Switzerland the previous winter, a man who the Swiss police considered a spy! The U.S. Intelligence Service took steps immediately to establish his identity, but he disappeared in a motor car and was never seen again in the city. A few weeks later he was located in Manchuria on the staff of a well known arm officer![xxi]
One of the first sights some of the men saw was a Red Army hospital train pulling into town. Suddenly the men on the train started to push badly wounded soldiers off the hospital train. The American Regimental Commander who saw it going on "stopped the bunch cold and made them go back and pick up the poor devils they were going to leave behind."
General Graves was not alone in his astonishment at the amount of supplies heaped on the docks for the want of storage space.
The docks were bloated beyond belief with acres of piled war stores. As Frederick Moore wrote, "This great fringe of covered stones resembled mushrooms which had come up in the night. . ."[xxii]
It was estimated that on the surrounding hills there were untold millions of dollars worth of goods; cotton, rubber, copper, automobiles in crates, machinery of all descriptions, all heaped and free to the first passerby.
"First thing I saw," said one doughboy, "was a tent city upon the hill. The first day I peeked under the great tent-like hood to see what was underneath. It was a baby Overland automobile. I guess there must have been a thousand of them. The were uncrated. The sight disgusted me."
There was perhaps nothing as intriguing as the types of people encountered by the men. Some of them wore anything from burlap to rags on their feet while others wore shiny patent leather shoes. "The trousers, other than the ones in occidental dress, are usually very voluminous and bloomer-like and are heavily padded. If you can imagine a quilt made up into a pair of pants you will get an idea of what they looked like. The approved dress for the droskie driver was a short heavy skirt, well drawn up and held tight by a heavy belt. The rest of the native clothing consisted of a mantle of heavy cloth thrown over the shoulders. This covered many minor faults in dress and great quantities of dirt. Only well educated Russians bathed as often as once a week."
Mixed in with all this local color was the military. The Czecho-Slovaks could easily be noted by the red and white insignia on their caps. They wore pea-green tunics and heavy leather boots. The Japanese were in tan and red and usually moved stolidly along, never smiling. The British Tommies with their natty brass-buttoned attire had walking sticks. The black Moroccan sailors, were in blue uniforms with white and red-tasseled hats. They were barefooted.
The uniforms worn by the Russians themselves were impossible to classify. Nearly every man wore some sort of uniform. The street cleaner was handsome and might well have been taken for a general. The policeman was well dressed and had polished leggins and a long saber! Nearly everyone wore a star or two, or a brilliant shoulder epaulet. About every tenth man had a red seam down his pants. There were green trousers, blue ones, black suits, red coats, gaudy caps, fancy boots, yellow stripes - - almost anything anyone would want for a costume party. One professor wore gold braid on a spotlessly white uniform.
On the outskirts of town could be seen the Mongolian's small houses, their lumber mills. The logs were placed on strong racks. One Mongolian stood on top of the log or timer, and one on the ground below. They had a long hand-saw and they worked as a team sawing the leg square, then into pieces of lumber. It was surprising how accurate the lumber was hand-sawed. The Mongolians when they worked, especially when working together, used a lilting chant reminiscent of the gandy dancers of the American railroads.
In sharp contrast were the Yanks swarming in and out of the streets, invading the restaurants and always looking for American dishes such as itze krim (ice cream). Then there were the pretty nurses in fur-trimmed attire. Officers of the Allied armies were usually seen in American-made automobiles as they would come tooting around the corner. The machines would race past with a swish in defiance of all speed laws.
One American soldier expressed his opinion of Vladivostok in poetry:

Vladivostok

There's a burg way off in Siberski
Where there's Chinos, Russians, and Greeks,
There's soldiers of all the nations,
And women with paint on their cheeks.
She's a rollickin', riotous, seaport,
As dirty as God ever made,
With sin, and with filth, she is rotten,
She puts even hell in the shade.
The bathin' is done as God made 'em,
By men and women the same,
There's not a good word I can think of,
Can ever be linked with her name.
The pigs run wild down the main street,
They seem to own the whole place,
And the flies are as thick as they can be,
And crawlin' all over your face.
I went there in nineteen and eighteen,
I'd sooner I hit on a rock;
For the place that beats hell,
With its dirt and its smell,
Is that burg of Vladivostok.

Even in September autumn was beginning to brush the country with a bit of frost, but the days were still beautiful and travel was not impaired. Many of the men who had enough of the smells and the sights of the city took to the country to see it before it wore an mantle of white. The terrain continued to amaze them. One said: "Nature is certainly no respecter of countries. The bay was dotted with small islands. They were green and bright. There were some trees too, but not big ones. The shore line was similar to the usual scene one encounters when a large city is in back of a harbor."
Just off the south end of the peninsula a large island, called by various names, but generally known in English as Russian Island, protected the entrance to the Golden Horn. The island was hilly; the highest point about 1,000 feet above sea level. It was here that the American Red Cross doctors and nurses were installed.
Russian Island had been heavily fortified. As the men roamed the countryside in the days and months after arrival they were amazed at the great guns heavily anchored in rock and concrete which were mounted on the crests of many hills forming the remarkable amphitheater of Vladivostok.
Tunnels connected the various gun emplacements and there were huge underground vaults to protect stores of powder. Many a doughboy spent his time off roaming through these tunnels and experiencing some of the thrill of young boys on a Captain Kidd hunt.
It would have required a gigantic and very skillfully planned military assault to have taken Vladivostok away from a well trained and determined garrison. A great Japanese general stated that 500,000 men at least would be required in the assault.[xxiii]
In Vladivostok regimental canteens were established. They began to carry a good supply of articles used by the enlisted personnel. Most of the stock was obtained from the United States and the Philippine Islands.
Men were seen hobbling around Vladivostok from the first day for they had great difficulty using their wrapped leggins for the first time. Most of them wrapped them too tightly. This caused legs and feet to swell with resulting pain. After the first night on the hard stone floors many of them walked with difficulty.
But even painful legs did not keep the doughboys from expressing their surprise to how far behind the United States the Russians seemed to be and they gave vent to army oaths every time they had to walk on the narrow wooden sidewalks in the "so-called main drag of the town." In order to pass someone they had to step off into the mud. They noticed that the Czechs and Russians were pleased to see the Americans but the Japanese obviously were full of disdain.[xxiv]
A lot of men feared the cold but Francis Sigel who was a career man said: "Wherever I put my hat that was my home. I remember when I landed I went to the American Headquarters in Vladivostok which was just across from the Kunst-Albers Department Store."
To watch the parade of brass riding around Vladivostok's grimy streets more than impressed the soldiers of all countries. The parade on September 10th was an example. The following had to travel to an Allied Conference that day: General Dietrichs, Czecho-Slovak Army; Major General Graves, United States Army; General Paris, French Army; General Knox, British Army; Major General Nakajima, Imperial Japanese Army and Admiral Lynn, Chinese Navy. In addition there were all manner of Staff Officers on hand from the various contingents.
One American doughboy said he never expected to see so many high ranking officers from so many countries at one time over again.
The conference had to do with the location of troops and the general conditions. This gave the officials more to study and worry about.
With all the brass around, attention was paid to opening a bank. So at the end of the first weekend in September the doors of one was opened and the men could get their money there. Prior to that the men had to exchange their American money at the YMCA.
Things were beginning to look up, for in September the men also received word that they would then be able to send mail thenceforth about every ten days. "Thank God," many of them said for they did not know whether their letters were getting home or not. Mail had been such a haphazard affair since there arrival. Also, many of them had received no mail from home up to that time. They were instructed to put 'Somewhere in Siberia' on their letters unless they were actually in Vladivostok. When in the city they could put its name at the top.
On September 15th, Roy Coalson wrote that they had moved into new quarters that day in drizzling and chilly weather. A fire was needed. Nevertheless, as cold as he was, he got out his typewriter and sat down to write his mother.
Irving Dexter wrote home about food, candles and noise and had some rather earthy thoughts.
"I went to the canteen and bought some peanuts and a candle. Our kerosene lamps are high and it is hard to see to write so I stuck the candle on a tobacco box and am writing on that. Today the sun hasn't showed itself so it has been chilly, but I went in swimming. That is I took a bath in a hole and did twenty-five feet and back. We drew our heavy clothes the first of this week and got different leggins. These kind wrap around. they ever did was ride a horse on ranches."
Goreham wrote on September 28th that he had eighteen letters from his beloved and, "I wouldn't part with them for all the land there is over here." He also mentioned that he had written her twenty-four letters. "There is several here in my company now from Iowa. There is one by the name of Miller that came down in about where your folks live. He was about four and a half miles southeast of Redfield. . .I was telling a big fish story. - - you know of fishing in the river in Redfield. He asked me where that place was that I caught all the fish. I told him Redfield, Iowa, and he said you didn't come from around there did you & I told him I sure did, & then he said he was born & raised southeast of there & had fished lots of times in the Coon River. He didn't believe my fish story!"

The Russian Railway Service Corps

During this month the soldiers were not only ones who were writing back home for the Railway Corpsmen, now back in Siberia, were also finding time to apprise the home folk of the situation as they faced it, now that they had been permitted to return from Japan. Some of them went to great lengths to explain the background of the railways in Siberia and others simply talked about what they were doing and their hopes for the future.
They reveled in telling the story of the Russian railroads. About 1902 a six-foot gauge railroad was completed between the Urals and Vladivostok. It was 5,800 miles in length. The line went through Manchuria on the Chinese Eastern Railway between Chita and the Ural mountains. It was a double-track affair with separate bridges and tunnels for each track allowing greater facility of operation.
After the Russo-Japanese War of 1905, Russia realized that its Far East Provinces could be cut off at any time by hostilities in Manchuria; thus, in 1908, a second line was begun all within Russian territory running northward from Vladivostok to Khabarovsk, then westward. Generally it followed the Amur River north of the Manchurian border and joined the original line near Chita. This was not completed until 1916. It was not double-tracked until after our men had left in 1923. The cars that ran over it were only two-axle vehicles with about a twenty ton load limit. Before the war a nine day schedule was held between Vladivostok and Moscow, but at the time our soldiers arrived in 1918 it was a twelve day schedule. Trains were surprisingly on time regardless of the poor condition of the track and equipment.
The railroad was operated by means of staffs. Any one staff was designed for use with mechanical devices connecting two specific stations only. When station H had a train approaching en route to station I, the attendant at H could not remove a staff that controlled the train between H and I, before he conferred with the attendant at I who would then press a button and release the staff to the train at I. The other train at H would have to wait until the staff given to the train at I was inserted in the machine at H and then another staff removed from H for the train to move to I. It sounded pretty confusing to the Americans when they arrived, even to the RRSC men, but it proved to be a very safe system.
There was also the problem of figuring out what happened when two or three trains wanted to leave H at about the same time. Then the attendant could separate the staff and give one part of it to the first train and hold the second part for the last train. Then these trains, moving in the same direction, were told to proceed with extreme caution between the two stations. When the train with the last half of the staff arrived at Station I the attendant would screw the two pieces back together and the machine was then clear for movement in either direction.
Of course the safety of the system, and the efficiency of it, depended on the fact that the tracks were clear. The Bolsheviks had been playing havoc with the tracks and tunnels along the routes. Then there was also the problem of strikes.
On September 4th, all railroad employees went on strike around Harbin because their wages had been cut. When the Bolsheviks took possession they had raised all the railroad men's wages to equal that of foreman or officers. Then General Horvat cut them down, after which they all went on strike.[xxv]
On September 5th, the RRSC men had been overjoyed at Colonel Emerson's return from Lake Baikal. He reached Harbin at 5 am on the 5th having been away for nearly six months.
Reports stated that the line was open around Lake Baikal but 30 to 40 bridges had been blown up and the repairs were only temporary. Only a light train could pass over, but this made the line clear to about the Ural Mountains.
On the 6th, Colonel Emerson was finding it difficult to get a train at Harbin for Vladivostok. Because of the strike no trains were moving, not even passenger trains. Nevertheless, on the 7th he was able to leave at about noontime on the No. 4.
On September 8th, in a letter to his parents Turner stated: ". . .The reports from the western front are sure encouraging. Before long you will be reading of an eastern front between Russia and Germany. Czechs sure have done some good work around Irkutsk. Was copying reports of how they cleaned the Bolsheviks and Germans our for the first two nights and assure you it was interesting. Great credit is due to the strategy of General Gaida, commander of the Czech army. Would like to tell you more about it but know it would not please the censor so will not do so. Possibly he would be interested to know that the Czechs in Siberia are not taking any prisoners or wounded and at this date they have control of the railway to the Ural mountains. The report of all tunnels being destroyed around Lake Baikal was exaggerated as the Bolsheviks only destroyed one tunnel and that has been cleared over a week ago. Perhaps before this reaches you you will have read of the feats of General Gaida and his brave soldiers of whom he only (followed by much censoring. . .).
"Understand he is on his way to Vlad. I hope to get some pictures of the welcome they will give him. The Russians are enlisting in great numbers to join his army which is on the way to the new eastern front, joining their comrades as they go along. They have (censored. . .) in Russia proper and with new recruits of Russians they will have (censored. . .). The Russians place great confidence in Gaida as he has led his men in battle against such numbers and has always mastered the situation. Would be a great help if they would start a few trains of American soldiers to Irkutsk so that the Russian people could see them. Some of our Allies do not make much of a hit with the Russians."[xxvi]
On the 10th Jim Whitehead wrote home from Vladivostok and said they had heard about the strike in Harbin, "However I don't think the men are to blame. . .their wages were cut in half and then because they struck some of the leaders were jailed. Then they restored the wages and refused to release the prisoners, so the men just refused to go to work. There are a lot of minor reasons. . .at the same time the salary of the officials was raised. It is true the engineers and others had struck a year ago and had secured an increase of one hundred percent or so, but at that an engineer was only making 375 rubles a month which would about pay for to pairs of shoes. . .It cost me 200 rubles a week to live, not including my room."
The RRSC man went on to say that the commissary was open but "not very will stacked." He had walked over about three miles that day to get some soap. He did not want for food as "the baroness always has soup for me which is not a supper dish over here but because I work nights and don't get any dinner she expects me to eat two meals in one and I sure get filled up."
On September 15th Sundheimer wrote from Vladivostok that they ". . .had received very good news some time ago. . .that Colonel Emerson and party were with General Gaida and coming east over the Trans-Siberian Railroad. They had some wonderful experiences and were in the thick of the fighting in Western Siberia and helped General Gaida clear Siberia of Germans, Austrians and Bolsheviks. The whole of Siberia is now cleared and railroad operation will soon be started and we will be busier than ever.
"The Colonel and Lt. Colonel Hawkins are now in Vladivostok and I have just been listening to them relate their experiences and wish I could write it all to you. I am afraid some of the tales wouldn't look good in print as General Gaida is a very strict military man and gave the Germans and Austrians about what they deserved whenever he caught any of them. They arrived in Vladivostok without any prisoners, so you can draw your own conclusions. You appreciate that the Germans and Austrians who were fighting in Siberia were at one time prisoners of war and when Russia was in the war she sent them to Siberia for safe keeping."
"As I mentioned above we are expecting new developments daily and there might be a possibility of my leaving Vladivostok and not being able to write my regular weekly letter home, but you can rest assured that I am in good hands and well taken care of - getting plenty to eat, work enough to keep me busy and a good place to sleep. From the manner in which the boys in France are driving the Huns back it looks as though the end is near, but regardless of this fact we are planning our work to cover a period of several years. We may have to stay a long time after the War and no doubt will be the last to leave this country when peace is declared."
"Mama asks about my Russian. Yes, I can speak a little Russian, can make myself understood and can understand a lot more than I can speak but I feel something like the fellow in France who said, 'This is all foolishness, learnin' French. They don't speak it in Berlin.' Of course we all have Russian teachers but I am afraid most of them are learning more English than the students are Russian. All you have to be is 'American' over here to win a home or a place around a Russian's teatable. They hate the Japanese, next the English, and although a good many of them speak French, the French are not as welcome as the Americans."
"We are still sleeping in the school building but have men working on barracks, cleaning them up, and hope to occupy them the latter part of the week. I am taking my meals on Colonel Lantry's car, as the food at the restaurants is not very good, and we have about what we want on the car."
"Purchased cloth for a new serge uniform while in Japan and just had it made up. With the U.S. Army here now we can buy most anything we want at the Quartermaster's Dept. even American-made stick candy."
"It is raining out and getting real chilly. Winter will soon be here but with our heavy winter uniforms, overcoats, etc. a Siberian winter doesn't frighten any of us."[xxvii]
Once the RRSC were out on the line they realized the luxury they had had back in the city. Whitehead wrote home that they were glad for any shelter. "At times there was almost nothing in which to hole up for the night. Sometimes we get army tents and at other times we sleep in old stations or in mud and stick native houses which consist of burrs and mud woven together with a fireplace at one end burning wood. The smokestack runs the full length of the house taking most of the floor space. On this we sit, sleep and eat with the bugs."
Writhing along the same lines, Turner said the day-by-day living was quite a change from what he experienced for the previous ten months, yet he was enjoying it immensely. "At present am with the U.S. Infantry and not doing exactly my line of work nor do I expect to in this part of Russia. Am sleeping in a tent with other officers and eating at their mess. Nights are quite chilly here but we have plenty of nice warm blankets so cannot complain at all. In fact like it much better than the city. It frosted the first night here."
One sees that it depended on where the men were, and wit whom. While one was sleeping with the bugs and glad to have a place to put his head another was in a tent with plenty of nice warm blankets.
On September 20, 1918, Turner continued the previous letter and mentioned a heavy rain but said their tents were large "and shed the water fine." He was sorry that there was no town where they were so he had no opportunity to practice his Russian.
In another letter dated September 28th he complained about the lack of mail. Although he heard rumors that the RRSC would take over the line from Nikolsk to the Ural Mountains he did not put any faith in the rumor as so many others proved groundless.
Although the men were not permitted to indicate their location in a letter, Turner had said that they were at a spot where there was no town at all. Now he says he had taken a couple of baths "in a branch of the Amur River which runs close to our camp. . ." Perhaps from that his family may have had some idea where he was in late September, 1918.
Another RRSCer "Brownie" had been out on the line earlier and returned back to the city on the 16th. He was rather glad to be in town again. . ."after living three weeks among the Russians and Chinks." He said he was now acting as a typist in the YMCA office and had quite a little typing to do but not enough to keep busy all the time. He added: ". . .our new barracks are about completed and we expect to move into them tomorrow and will then have a good spring bed to sleep on, the first spring bed that I will have slept on in eleven months outside of the short time I spent in Tokyo and Unzen. I am used to a hard bed though and don't suppose I will be able to sleep on the springs for a few nights."
". . .the Czechs are some soldiers and those of whom I have met personally are some people too, three of them are working in same office with me and I am looking at them right now. . .Our Colonel returned about ten days ago from several months trip thru the interior and the sights that he saw and what he has told us of the valor of the Czechs fighting against overwhelming numbers on the opposite side with practically no ammunition or guns is almost impossible to believe. . .Guess you will think I am a press agent for the Czechs but I can't help but admire them and tell of their good qualities every chance I get."
"This is surely a funny country. We are not allowed to write anything of a criticizing nature toward the people of their ways of living, but after a person lives here for a short while they can begin to understand some things. Imagine for instance a big white sow walking along over the street car tracks on 6th Avenue in Des Moines. Saw just such a sight here last night on a street with just as much traffic on it as 6th Avenue has. The old girl did not pay any attention to street cars or automobiles, just nosed along as though she understood her business & I guess she did."[xxviii]
In spite of all the letters there was considerable confusion about RRSC mail so on September 30th the American Consul wrote to Colonel Emerson stating that he felt that as long as the Russian Railway Service seemed to be definitely established in Harbin that there didn't seem to be any special reason for continuing the arrangement whereby the Railway men had their mail sent to the Consulate and had telegrams transmitted through the Consulate.
"In our present somewhat disorganized state these services give us some work that would not seem necessary," wrote C.K. Moser, the Consul at Harbin. He added, "I will appreciate it, therefore, if you will make arrangements for having mail and telegrams submitted in some other way than through the Consulate from October 1st." Without doubt this must have caused a considerable problem to the good Colonel Emerson. It would seem as though Mr. Moser could have given the RRSC more time to make other arrangements. But that is why collector's of mail from the RRSC men find so many different types of routings. Sometimes their mail was sent through the Consulate, sometimes through the Russian mails and sometimes through the postal agency set up by the United States Post Office Department in Vladivostok.
[i]Graves' reports - letters 66 and 67, WDNA
[ii]Rodney S. Sprigg, Commanding Officer Replacement Bn., letters
[iii]Rodney S. Sprigg, Commanding Officer Replacement Bn., letters
[iv]Rodney S. Sprigg, Commanding Officer Replacement Bn., letters
[v]Rodney S. Sprigg, letters
[vi]Rodney S. Sprigg, letters
[vii]Veterans of Siberian A.E.F., Bulletin Dec. 1966
[viii]Rodney S. Sprigg, letters
[ix]Rodney S. Sprigg, letters
[x]Robert L. Eichelberger, personal papers
[xi]Robert L. Eichelberger, personal papers
[xii]Rodney S. Sprigg, letters
[xiii]Rodney S. Sprigg, letters
[xiv]Cody Marsh in an article p. 513, Dec. 1920 (name of magazine is missing)
[xv]Lynn A. McQuiddy, 146th Ordnance Depot Co.
[xvi]Emmett A. Hoskins, U.S.S. Brooklyn
[xvii]Ignacio W. Borda, Co. B, Replacement Battalion
[xviii]Reports from Harvey K. Redman, Ambulance Co. No. 4; Alphia Wilber Goreham, Co. D, 31st Inf.; David Magowan, Co. G. 31st Inf.; Raymond Lefebvre, Co. B, Replacement Bn., Co. L, 27th Inf.; Willaim A. tessman, Headquarters Co., 27th Inf.; Dwight H. Cone, Evacuation Hospital No. 17; David G. Moore, Evacuation Hospital No. 17; Lawrence Spuur, U.S. Marine Corps, U.S.S. Brooklyn.
[xix]Reports from Harvey K. Redman, Ambulance Co. No. 4; Alphia Wilber Goreham, Co. D, 31st Inf.; David Magowan, Co. G. 31st Inf.; Raymond Lefebvre, Co. B, Replacement Bn., Co. L, 27th Inf.; Willaim A. tessman, Headquarters Co., 27th Inf.; Dwight H. Cone, Evacuation Hospital No. 17; David G. Moore, Evacuation Hospital No. 17; Lawrence Spuur, U.S. Marine Corps, U.S.S. Brooklyn.
[xx]Carl W. Ackerman's book
[xxi]Carl W. Ackerman's book
[xxii]Siberia To-Day by Frederick F. Moore
[xxiii]Siberia's Untouched Treasure by C.G. Fairfax Channing
[xxiv]Clifford F. Evans, Evacuation Hospital No. 17; William H. Johnson, Co. C, 31st Inf.; John E. Driscoll, 31st Inf.; Frank W. Bean, Co. A, 27th Inf.; William H. Cumley, Co. H, 31st Inf.; Francis E. H. Sigel, AEFS Headquarters, Vladivostok. There were others.
[xxv]Porter E. Turner, RRSC, papers
[xxvi]Porter E. Turner
[xxvii]John M. Sundheimer, RRSC, papers
[xxviii]From a letter signed "Brownie"

The Siberian Sojourn Volume II-Chapter 21

2009-05-26T13:08:00.000-07:00

General Graves and More Troops Arrive in Vladivostok

General Graves arrived on the THOMAS. It was a beautiful sunny day. The officers already in Vladivostok had arisen at four in the morning to greet the General aboard the transport. Graves was more than pleased with the warm welcome but had to part company at 11 am for a scheduled breakfast aboard the BROOKLYN.

His first official visit into he city was to call on General Otani in order to set straight the question as to whether the American soldiers would march under a Japanese flag. Graves told Otani: "I did not and in fact my orders were of such a nature that I could not relinquish control of United States troops."

Graves told Otani it was, however, his desire to cooperate in every way possible with the Japanese and that he felt assured they could accomplish the same objective because Grave felt the desires of the Japanese Government and the American Government were the same. "I also told him," Grave wrote, "that in view of the limitations placed upon me as to the use of American troops I must insist upon being informed where troops were to be transferred and for what purpose before they were moved."[i]

Graves also verbally told Colonel Styer, who had preceded him in command in Siberia, as to those limitations and requested him to act accordingly. "The Japanese Headquarters apparently thoroughly understood the situation and there has been no friction and conflict in the operations here."[ii]

Later that first day problems were forgotten in one great social event arranged by General Otani. After the officers dressed for the occasion cars awaited their pleasure to take them to the affair. High ranking officers of all nations were on hand. One American said his head was whirling with the realization of how many really important military men from a great variety of countries were there shaking hands, bowing, eating and drinking with each other.
The food was spread out on tables as if there was no such thing as famine, as though there were no hungry peasants. It seemed ironic to some that the monarchy had been overthrown for just such dining and drinking while the peasants had cried for bread. Yet in Vladivostok the Allied officials were that night emulating such festivities while the peasants were starving in the hills. It did not set well with some of our men. It was too much like Moscow again with its banquet tables, high dress, drinks and social intercourse. One man wondered if a bread riot might not follow and had to admit he would not much blame the peasants if they broke down the doors in protest. But nothing happened. The affair was carried off with finesse as the military greats drank vodka and champagne and ate the finest of caviar and other delicacies. It was probably just as well that the hungry American soldiers who had been marching back and forth through the town knew nothing of that gala affair.

The day after arrival was a warm pleasant one. The officers were beginning to wonder just where they would live. "We will probably live in Headquarters," Eichelberger wrote, as he sat in his pajamas in a stateroom on the THOMAS that early September morning.

He ( ???? check book illegible ) ything less beautiful. He wrote in his office in town that he was in "a house of cockroaches. They are here ( ???? check book illegible )y the million." However, their own rooms were fairly clean and he told his wife he managed to draw a mattress and also to get a spring cot "like the one at Camp Fremont."

While some of the men were seeing the cockroaches, Graves was busy with communiques that were piling up on his desk. He began to realize the complexities of the problems that were to face him in the days ahead. Not only was Russia in a chaotic state but the aims of some of the allies were questionable. The Commanding General was keen enough to foresee problems with the aggressive Japanese. On the diplomatic front he had to concern himself with General Alfred Knox of the British army who had no use for Russian peasants. Graves disagreed violently with Knox's opinion and did not appreciate the latter's determined effort to set up a reactionary regime in Siberia by building up the image of Kolchak, a former Admiral of the White Russian fleet.
As the days passed Graves was cognizant of the fact that most of the Allies who were ready and willing to fight the Bolsheviks had anticipated that the Americans would join the Allies. It was impossible for Graves to carry out the President's wishes and cooperate with such aims. Furthermore, Graves was not amendable to making Kolchak the Supreme Commander of the White Russians, in spite of the wishes of the other Allies. Washington itself had given its nod of approval to this matter. Our General knew that Kolchak's henchmen were raiding villages to impress men into the Kolchak army. He abhorred the tactics they used and felt that Washington was not apprised of the situation as it existed. If a village did not cooperate, the leaders of a town would be hauled off to be whipped or shot. Worse still, they were sometimes dipped into frigid waters until they became human icicles. Such reports worried Graves who stated, "I have often thought that it was unfortunate I did not know more of the conditions in Siberia than I did when I was pitchforked into the melee at Vladivostok. At other times I have thought that ignorance was not only bliss in such a situation but was advisable."[iii]
Regarding the piled supplies which could be seen everywhere near the wharf, Graves did not need any communique. A panorama spread before him or arms and ammunition lying around on wharfs or sidings or on vacant lots. Some material was in crates, some unprotected, some covered with huge canvas tarpaulins. Cotton was found thrown on the ground with no covering and nothing beneath it to protect it from dampness. Piles of rubber, so desperately needed by the Allies, were in evidence. There were automobiles that had never been uncrated. If this lifeline of supplies fell into the hands of enemy factions it would be disastrous. Guards were detailed to safeguard the supplies.
Then thee was the problem of the Czecho-Slovaks. By a strange twist of fate these men who the Americans had come to help were now fighting their own battles admirably.
"I was being disillusioned very fast," Graves said. He reread his orders again and again and throughout his service in Siberia he refused to be forced by political or military groups to aide with one faction against the other. It seemed as though there was nothing left for our troops to do but carry out the part of the instructions relating to the guarding of military stores which might subsequently be needed by Russian forces.
However, the term "Russian forces" had to be defined before any steps could be taken to render aid referred to in the policy. In his book Graves wrote that the decision could not be made in Washington. Conditions were such in Siberia that one could not render any assistance to a Russian without discarding the policy of non-intervention in internal affairs. The General stated: "I could not give a Russian a shirt without being subject to trying to help the side to which the recipient of the shirt belonged."
In addition to attempting to determine which of the Russians constituted 'Russian forces,' Graves also wondered about which element should be considered 'the enemy.'
Throughout the intervention Graves' neutral position represented views of the Chief of Staff, Secretary of War and the President himself. At first it was also the view of the State Department. Later, however, the War and State Departments differed. This added to Graves' concern.
As though the situation in Russia itself was not enough to give any man a migraine, Graves was faced with the question of barracks and storage facilities for his American men. Satisfying the question of which army would occupy which barracks was a task of great magnitude, especially as those representatives of those nations having the fewest troops were often the hardest to satisfy."[iv]
The General stated: "It was an almost impossible task to convince the Japanese or Chinese or Italian forces that on account of our sanitary regulations we can only put 150 men into a building. . .(one) into which they would put 300-500. They would not admit that our soldiers were deserving of any more consideration than their own."[v]
Such questions had to be handled with tact and diplomacy.
As though there were not enough problems at hand, General Otani asked each of the Allies to designate officers to sit on nine different committees: Material, Barracks and Quarters, Finance, POW, Inter-Allied Railway, Sanitary and Tariff and Marital Law. This would take more time. In addition, Allied representatives were at first scheduled to meet twice a week, then once a week to discuss matters of common interest. No committee decision was final, but when policies were not violated the majority opinion was usually adopted.[vi]
Later General Graves was to report: ". . .Personal and official relations with Japanese Headquarters have left nothing to be desired except that the Japanese have simply been following a different policy. They have resorted to bribery and trickery in every way. The Japanese Chief of Staff has stated that they have already spent one hundred million yen in Siberia on their army. They spend money in a way and follow methods that Americans cannot and must not follow. However, condemn these methods as much as we do, the fact remains that conditions are such here and the Russian people are such, that. . .I doubt very much whether it is possible for us in the face of such obstacles to realize the American ideals of honesty, liberty and justice in Siberia for years and years to come."[vii]

The doughboys were not as busy as was General Graves and his staff upon arrival, but they were eager to get off the transport and into town for a firsthand look at the city itself.
First, however, they were required to eat breakfast on board. Then they received permission to debark.
Food on the transports was cooked in copper kettles by steam. Under ordinary circumstances the kettles were emptied after each meal, and scalding steam was used to cleanse them thoroughly. In this way, they were completely sterilized before the next meal. This method of cooking aboard army transports has long since been abandoned, but in September, 1918, that was the method used.
When the men received their dinner Labor Day night in 1918, they knew they would be eating their breakfast on the transport as well. The cooks also knew this. Henry Fry reports, "Those damn cooks must have had it figured out in advance that if they cooked more slum for dinner than the men could eat there would be some left over for breakfast. So they did just that, and then, not being military, they were permitted to go to town. Thus, when the slum cooled, and remember it had been sitting in those copper kettles all night, it was just reheated and served again. The effect was ptomaine poisoning."[viii]
The result of that morning meal was catastrophic. After seventeen days on the water nearly every man was sick upon arrival. It has been reported that anywhere from 250 to 1,700 men were stricken a few hours after the meal was served. A survey showed that the men were indeed in the throes of ptomaine.
Stephen Chadwick records that they had no medical men assigned to them. That in itself was disastrous. Chadwick communicated with headquarters immediately, explaining the gravity of the situation, and requested that id be sent on the double.
An officer present at headquarters confided to Chadwick later that the Expedition Surgeon passed the petition for aid off with the remark that some of the men had doubtless had too much vodka. No assistance arrived.
At five o'clock most of the doughboys were too sick to leave their beds. Chadwick called again. An hour later a hospital corpsman with a bag of medicine appeared. He was unable to cope with the situation which existed. So Chadwick and a few others organized the well men into a sort of hospital corps and assisted, as far as they could, those unable to take care of themselves.
"At seven o'clock," he recalls, "to my great relief, two young doctors drifted in. Seeing the situation and fully appreciating it, they immediately raided the so called Base Hospital and returned with two bottles of CC pills and one bottle of castor oil. The latter was said to be the only bottle with the expedition! The pills were given to those able to walk, the oil was soon exhausted on those unable to leave their beds," Chadwick reports, and adds, "To those two doctors, Lieutenants Ehlers and Baronodisk, the men of the transport owe a real debt, for with me they waited and worked throughout the night. I hope the Expedition Surgeon slept soundly."
Other men recalled that some of the sick were put in a field hospital which was set up in Russian quarters. "The doctors and pill rollers gave each of us either salts or castor oil to try to ease the onslaught of the pain," said one man.
In time most of the men managed to overcome the ptomaine onslaught and began to look around them. Many were surprised to see that Siberia was not vastly different from the States. The climate was about the same and the people were similar to people one might meet anywhere in a cosmopolitan city except that most of the inhabitants were wretchedly clothed. But, all in all, it did not seem nearly as bad as it had sounded back home. There were troops from many countries and prisoners of war everywhere. Before them lay a beautiful harbor sight. A Japanese fleet with banners flying, the British KENT (a destroyer), and the American cruiser BROOKLYN were in full view. There were also two obsolete Russian destroyers.
But that first day it rained and rained. It was only a drizzling rain but the kind that soaks into a man's body. Those that had been sick with ptomaine were weak and disgusted. Drizzling rain can knock a weak soldier out. Nevertheless, the AEFers had been ordered to get out with full packs and fall in. After that it was a repetition of orders to fall in and to fall out so many times that the men were worn to a frazzle before they finally received their marching orders. With full packs they were paraded from what was later known as American Base, through Vladivostok, all the way to the far end of Svetlanskaya Street.
To this day the men do not know the purpose of that tram, tramp, tramp. One said it was mismanagement from the top. Another said that "the Brass wanted to make a show to the natives." But most of the men concluded that they looked too awful to be making any kind of a good impression.
"In all my years of service, sometimes marching all day, I have never suffered so much," said Fry. "My shoulder straps from my pack cut into my shoulders. Our morale was not improved by seeing out buddies along the side of the street. I think our detachment must have lost about fifty percent of its effectiveness that day." The "buddies along the street" were the men who had fallen out. After some two hours in the rain those who were able were still marching and the weaker ones simply gave up. Every half block or so another doughboy would just stop and sit down on the side of the road.
They saw by the bewilderment of the officers that they were without any forceful leadership. Graves had not had time to take command of the situation and apparently no arrangements had been made before their arrival. It is that sort of realization that makes for demoralization. The men were cursing and weeping at the same time. They were so hopelessly disordered and dismayed and without any guidance that it was a shock to their sense of discipline. The rain continued its incessant drizzling, but it did not help to wash away the annoyance each man felt.
When some of the men first arrived they cleaned off areas on the floor, spread their blankets and went to sleep. One man says he will never forget that first night. "In this building there was a poor starving family, they had no home, no nothing, and all their worldly possessions were the rags on their backs. They began to make signs indicating that they wanted food. We had nothing to give them as our mess set-up was in another place and we had had our supper. As we had to have a space to sleep our Lieutenant in command had to run those poor people out so that we could clear a spot to bed down on the floor. Of course it was raining, cold rain, as this was early in September and it was already getting chilly at night.[ix]
After the men became organized and got the buildings cleaned, new doors and windows were installed. Cots were issued, and mattress covers which they filled with straw.
Some of the men bought sheets from a Russian woman and managed to get extra blankets to make themselves fairly comfortable.
Henry Fry said his sleeping accommodations were subsequently not too bad as the Russian army bakeries were pretty well set up and sleeping quarters were provided for, according to the number of bakers they had. The higher ranking non-commissioned officers had small sleeping rooms. The officers' quarters were habitable after they were cleaned. The soldiers were thankful that they had arrived in moderately cold weather rather than in the freezing weather of winter. "If we had arrived in Siberia two months later than we did, I doubt if we ever could have made it. When I think back of what we did have to go through I know we couldn't have made it if it had been better cold."[x]
One man recalled that when he arrived his group had been taken to a low field and told to pitch pup tents. "We had two blankets and thin clothing, he said, "and we about froze the night for we had been in the Philippine Islands where it was hot. A lot of the boys caught cold and some even died of exposure so we were pretty disgusted."[xi]
Another man also recalls that camp. He reports, "all of the 31st Infantry was located in pyramidal wall tents until about the end of September. The days were quite comfortable but the nights were very cold. At least it seemed cold to us who had come from the Philippine Islands with only khaki uniforms and very thin underwear. As a result about fifty percent of the men in the regiment became ill with colds or flu. We had small cone type stoves in each tent. There were eight men to a tent. At night we would each take a one hour shift to keep the stove hot because we lacked sufficient blankets or heavy clothing to keep warm. We had to stay in those tents to give the laborers time to clean and repair the barracks we were to occupy. You just would not believe the tons of dirt, excrement and dead flies that were taken out of each of these barracks before we were able to occupy them in late September."[xii]
Some of the troops had taken over one of the Baldwin Locomotive sheds upon arrival. They remained for a day, having mess on the transport. Then they were informed that messing from the transport had to end. These men were equipped as casuals, without kitchen equipment, so feeding became quite a problem. Beef was issued in half and other rations in similar proportions. The men took the only way out. They raided the Quartermaster Warehouse for sufficient supplies to feed themselves. Altogether, there were 1,250 men, formerly of the Eighth, quartered in the Baldwin sheds. They were located about three miles out from the center of the city, and from expedition headquarters.[xiii]
Joe Longuevan was lucky when he joined Company C, 31st; it was already comfortably ensconced in the brick barracks on the Churkin-Dio [1]Joseph B. Longuevan, Co. C, 31st Inf.
[i]Grave's book
[ii]Gen. Graves' official report #2 dated 6/30/19, WDNA
[iii]Graves' book
[iv]Graves
re[prt dated 6/30/19, WDNA
[v]Graves' Final Report, WDNA
[vi]Graves' Final Report, WDNA
[vii]Graves' Report, September 25, 1919 to Adjutant General of the Army, WDNA
[viii]Henry C. Fry, Quartermaster Corps.
[ix]Henry C. Fry
[x]Henry C. Fry
[xi]Alphia Wilber Goreham, Co. D, 31st Inf.
[xii]Lester William Reed, Co. K, 31st Inf.
[xiii]Stephen F. Chadwick, Lt. Co. D, 27th Inf., 1st Bn. Adjutant, Regimental Personnel Adjutant

The SIberian Sojourn Volume II- Chapter 20

2009-05-26T12:53:00.000-07:00

The 90-mile March

At the concentration point, Sviyagino, Colonel Morrow was busy preparing to move the troops to Ussuri. He was in command of the march which started on August 30, 1918.

The 90-mile trip north on foot proved to be one of the hardest experiences the men had while stationed in Siberia. From daylight to dark, with only two meals a day, they trudged on over hills, through sparse and deep woods, across marshes and swamps, and an interminable series of hills and dales. Tortuous walking was the pattern along with shoving and pushing mules and wagons most of the time. Before resting at night latrines had to be dug; the pup tents that had to be put up were so old that they leaked in the slightest rainfall. Often the men slept in slimy, muddy water. But before the rains fell, the sun had to be contended with. The day on which the march started it was wickedly hot.

The summer heat had left the road dry and dusty. The Americans had endured drills back in Manila where the sun often made breathing difficult. Their experience in Siberia was not too different. The beautiful harvest lands on either side of the road were dubbed the Manila rice paddies. Filipino songs were sung to keep spirits up.

The so-called roads consisted of ground between two ditches bridging the swamps. On many occasions straw from the wagons had to be used to fill in ruts. It was no simple matter to march, heave hay and push mules and wagons along while suffering from parched throats, dysentery and hunger. Canteens were emptied all too often.

The regiment had started out with baggage and ration wagons, ambulances and with native guides to show them the best route parallel to the railway. Unfortunately, when the guides found themselves lost they became frightened and simply disappeared. These strange new Americans with weird horses (mules) frightened the natives who feared punishment for getting lost. As the soldiers plowed on the sun climbed higher, aggravating their thirst, hunger and discouragement.

While there was beauty on either side of the road, the men were too exhausted to appreciate any of it.

In one area a strange, terribly nauseating odor assaulted the men and choked them beyond the heat alone. It was as though some awful gas engulfed them as they marched along. When a halt was finally called, the men dropped, inert against clumps of bushes by the side of the road. While "chow" looked good, some of the men decided to investigate the cause of the stench which seemed to emanate from beyond the bushes.

Suddenly the air was filled with oaths of profanity. There before them say heaps of dead bodies with mounds of cartridges everywhere. Later it was learned that a battle had taken place there between the Japanese and the Bolsheviks. The dreadful slaughter was the evidence.
Men stood stunned. Many regurgitated with abandon into the bushes, while unable to take their eyes off the sight. Unburied bodies with flesh burning in the hot midday sun were covered with swarms of large black flies. Other bodies, apparently killed more recently, still oozed blood. The sight sickened the very staunchest.

Most of the soldiers were already suffering from dysentery. The sight made their plight pitiable. Soon they turned their heads in an effort to avoid the sight and smell. They failed to notice the profusion of wild flowers amidst the carnage.

The Americans had been following on foot a Japanese armored train which was pursuing a trainload of Bolsheviks. The Japanese had thrown an artillery shell ahead of the Bolshevik train and had also torn up a bridge to trap it. The Bolsheviks were thus scattering across the countryside with the Japanese in hot pursuit. The latter had killed several hundred in one area and left the results that had so shocked the Americans.

As the doughboys wiped the sweat from their brows and from their hands they weakly made their way back; some hoped that what they had witnessed would somehow be obliterated from their memories. That was most unlikely to be the case.

Hungry as they had been, those who had not eaten could not do so; those who had lost everything with one great and awful spasm.

Most of the raw recruits came from sheltered American homes. They had been brought up to respect life and to love their neighbors; they had also been trained to observe good sportsmanship. Yet they did know that war was a dreadful thing and during war man murdered man, something the so-called lower animals never stoop to - kill their own kind in group battle. Nevertheless, to come upon that battlefield so unexpectedly in a field of God's good earth with oats, wheat and flowers was too much. Some men wept openly.

One genteel young soldier from Georgia was literally shocked into insensibility. He was removed to an ambulance at once and eventually had to be sent back to the States.[i]

When men had regained some semblance of composure, their voices came in whispers. In that mangled pile of bloated corpses, lying in a mush of bone and flesh, men felt that what they had come to regard as civilization must have died there. There had been dead men on top of horses, dead horses on top of men, and flies thick and black everywhere.

"I can still smell the stench and see the sight when I think of it today over half a century later. It was appalling, dreadful and unbelievable."[ii]

Eager to march again to get away from that battle field, the men fell into position. Many thoughts, however, dwelt on that spot.
The men noted that the boots of many corpses had been removed. "It must have

been dreadful to move amongst that slaughter to get much needed boots," Nick Hochee commented. "I guess they must have needed those boots pretty bad to have been able to creep out there on that field with those horrible bodies and parts of bodies, and empty shells all about, to pull boots from those terrible inert legs."

As the march proceeded, more and m ore men began to fall out. The older men found the grind the hardest. The ambulances were making their way back to Sviyangino with the dropouts.

The officers marched with the men and gained great respect for this. They permitted a few of the weaker to ride on the advanced ambulances for short lengths in order to give them a chance to regain their strength. Some were permitted to put heavy packs on the wagons which the mules were supposed to be hauling but which, oftener than not, were pulled by other men.

The soldiers marched in a column of twos. They covered a remarkable number of tortured miles by the time the heat forced them to rest again. Flesh had become puffy over shoe tops. It was a distinct effort simply to erect flimsy canopy tents that evening.

On the route the men sweated it out in throbbing discomfort, mouths agape revealing enlarged, dust-covered tongues. When pebbles were found, such were placed in the mouth the stimulate the flow of saliva. While the doughboys were slowly becoming veterans, their morale was at a low ebb; because of weakness, they found it difficult even to remain erect. And this was but the first day of many before they would reach Ussuri.

Some of the Americans envisioned the cool ponds and murmuring brooks of "home". Some thought of the water they had wasted in their short lives. No one realized that such thoughts had filled the minds of soldiers for ages past -- and ages yet to come.

Cliff Strohm, a mechanic with A Company, had joined the army when he became hungry back in California. He was born and raised in Cleveland. At the age of thirteen he began to work part time in a print shop. He liked it so well that lithography became his profession for life. However, in July 1916 he decided to see the west and made his way to California. He rode freight trains and stopped off whenever funds were needed. He worked on farms and in restaurants for a few dollars which would carry him to the next stopping point.

In San Francisco there were no jobs available. Strohm was in a quandary; he decided to enlist in the army in order to have steady room and board. Subsequently he saw service in the Philippines from whence he left for Siberia. As a company mechanic he was soft for he had been excused from all drills and hikes in the Philippines in order to perform his mechanical chores. He had been kept busy repairing rifles and equipment and in assisting the supply sergeant in making, painting and loading shipping cases for the next move.

Strohm remarked: "Can you imagine excusing a soldier from drills and marches and then sending him on that terrible hike to Ussuri?"

In addition to being unfamiliar with hiking, Strohm had to carry an awkward range finder which bruised his legs and body. His equipment weighed 90 pounds!

On the first day of the hike to Ussuri he dreamed of a soft cot at eventide and of soft green grass. But, he stated that when they stopped he was chosen for latrine detail and was put to work digging trenches and making cover.[iii]

This sort of duty had to be performed on every day of the hike, rain or shine. When the pup tents were pitched the men would peel off their shoes, bate their feet if there was water available and bandage blisters. Foot inspection had become a nightly ritual. For some of the men, the light shoes had lasted for only a part of the first day. It was difficult to say whether the marchers wanted most to sleep, eat or drink. In any case, they were happy when the old corned beef, hardtack and coffee was doled out at night.[iv]

On the first night Asa Williams found himself on guard duty. The cook had forgotten him after feeding the other men. "That was one of the real sad experiences of my whole life -- to miss supper that first day," the soldier recalled.

Williams also recalled that he had drunk rain water from cow tracks. At the time, the Japanese had been drinking from cattle tracks so he decided to do the same thing. If it didn't hurt them, why should it hurt him? Then Williams learned that the Japanese also ate dogs. He and three or four other doughboys thought that dog meat might be pretty good eating "so the other guys and I tried some but I didn't like the taste as I didn't eat much, although I was awfully hungry."

Williams reported that he had been sick most of the time but kept going for to stop might have been disastrous. Some of the other men wondered if his water-drinking habits might not have caused his illness. Lawrence Nygard recalled an occasion on which Williams lay down in desperation on the road and again drank forbidden water. An officer who had spotted him, to get up at once. "Don't you know that that water could be polluted and could kill you?"

"But sir, if I don't drink it that's going to kill me too." Williams replied meekly. The officer shrugged and walked off.

A few yards beyond, the men found three dead Russian bodies by the side of the road. The water the Americans had been drinking was flowing past the cadavers. Williams stared; he felt sick at the sight and was sure that he would die there in that rutted road in Siberia.

On the march that first day the men had had plenty of time to digest the rumors that had arisen. When had the Japanese gone ahead in boxcars and left them to walk?

When the Americans had received word that the bridges ahead were out and that they would have to continue on foot they never foresaw what lay ahead. At that time the rest of the Japanese troops had been ordered to remain at Sviyagino until the damaged bridges were repaired. The curses that arose regarding the Japanese were halted when the Americans had to be reminded that these were our allies. A few horselaughs ensued.

"Allies, eh," remarked a doughboy, "I'll bet they will give us more trouble than the Russians before we are through." His words were prophetic of events to come.[v]

At the time it was enough to know that the Japanese intended to wait at the siding for repairs and that the American ammunition and official cars had been taken over by the Japanese while the doughboys had to march in the blazing sun or the rain. Rage was felt by the Americans; they determined to beat the Japanese to their destination. In the spirit of competition, the men faced the challenge, not knowing that August 30, 1918 was to be just a beginning.

The doughboys soon felt thirst and dehydration as the day wore on. Adding to their misery, it was found that many of the men found themselves unable to urinate and, if at all, to find great pain and difficulty doing so.

The official report of the first day's march stated that the roads were "excellent".[vi] The doughboys had a different version.

The troops reached Nikitovka at 3:30 pm. They had covered but 13 miles, yet to many the march had become unendurable. Blister, infections and thin shoes used in the tropics had taken their toll. Sore muscles, dysentery and numerous bodily ailments were part of the misery.

Although the Yanks were glad to reach any site that indicated the possible end of the day's journey, it was not long before they were ordered to the Monastery, another six miles to the east. Fortunately, the road was now good and a campsite awaited them supplied with water and wood.
The camp was made close to a small creek. However, the parched soldiers were forbidden to drink there until the water had been boiled and cooled. They watched with envy as the mules were permitted to drink from the creek.

By reveille on August 31, 1918, it was raining heavily. This overjoyed the men; but the rain was to last for three days and cause more agonies for all.

Breakfast of leftover hash, hardtack and coffee was eaten in the cold rain at Nikitovka. At 7 am the men were placed in a column of ours to continue.

As they marched along, the odor of the dead followed them. In one creek they saw a dead man and a dead horse. At another point a good deal of excitement resulted when it was found that a corporal was missing. After a search, the man was finally located.

In some locations the soldiers had to construct a corduroy road; then a bridge had to be strengthened to allow passage of the wagons and mules.

By the second day the Americans realized that the light two-wheeled carts of the Japanese were superior in this country to the heavy wagons of the A.E.F.[vii]

As the march progressed, the pace began to slow up. Many began to limp; some dropped out from sheer exhaustion. As the combat wagons were already overloaded, only a few lucky ones were able to hitch a ride. This practice was soon halted.

As the men became numbly accustomed to exhaustion, the stench of decaying bodies also did not disturb them as at first. They were learning the lessons. A mounted officer of the Japanese infantry had an orderly he needed run alongside on foot.

The Americans also learned much about the significance of rain. No one could climb in the muck that resulted. The unbearable dust clouds had turned to a sea of mud. In the marshy areas the wagons became so mired that the animals were no longer able to move in them. With the aid of manpower, supplies were finally jettisoned. The entire 27th carried hay, gathered on the way, to be used to build roads through the swamps.

Don Pequignot recalled that he could not but smile when he had seen the poor mules in those swamps. The animals had flaps placed over them. "They kicked so much mud over the flaps and over the whole rear clear to the waist that we couldn't have got a gun out if it had been necessary. We had to wash both the mules and the guns."

At each small village the officers had hoped to get food. They had arranged a system. As the Americans noted a few houses in a wide spot in the road, a Russian-speaking soldier would go ahead and start to talk loudly. In every case the village would seem deserted. In a loud, clear voice he would state: "We are Americans who have come from the other side of the world to help you. But now we are hungry. We will buy black break or cabbages or whatever you may have." Over and over he would repeat his call. At one place a man came out timidly and said "You couldn't come from the other side of the world, you would fall off." The Americans had the good grace not to laugh. Instead, the man was told how they had travelled on a huge boat over great waters that separated their countries. They asked him the help them as friends.

The man listened intently. He asked more and more questions. Soon a few more people ventured forth and the soldier managed to buy a few staples. They again heard that the Japanese had preceded them and had taken all they could find.

"We are afraid of strangers," the natives said. "The Japanese pretended to by our friends but they and the Bolsheviks took what they wanted and left nothing in return. Some of the raped and killed our women."

As confidences grew, the villagers offered some food and took candy bars and other items in exchange. American money was of no use to the Russians.

As the men continued splashing through the rain, keeping their heads bowed to offset the sweeping gusts, they dwelled on their plight. And they had only just landed in this strange land. They had become plastered with mud; their feet had become grotesquely enlarged by the cloying stuff. Sometimes the ooze showed traces of blood.

Jesse Sheppard had been among the fortunate few who had not seen the battlefield the previous day. He reported: "On the evening of the second night I saw my first dead soldier killed in a skirmish. We had arrived in some little town and had managed to get some water to wash up with.
"It was there we met a British soldier from a Middlesex regiment who told us of the skirmish. He also spoke of the huge mosquitoes. I know he was not exaggerating as we had the same experience with the monsters. That night we were given a speech about not being taken prisoner. We fixed our bayonets to do some fighting but it didn't come. The soldier I saw who was killed was a Russian. He had been felled by a skirmish party a short distance ahead and was left there all alone. I don't even know if they ever buried him."

When darkness descended, the woods took on the usual ominous appearance. No one knew where Bolsheviks might be lurking. It was a time for rumors in the ranks; and, as always, rumors were based upon ignorance of what lay ahead. The doughboys knew that a Bolshevik might be concealed in any house, haystack or tree. The wolf cries at night did not help to ease cases of taut nerves.

Accurate maps were not available. But then the men did not care too much about locations; they looked forward to reaching the next stop for rest. However, in spite of swollen feet, fatigue and dysentery, the hike continued.

Only eight miles were covered on the second day, chiefly through swampy terrain. Along the way logs and brush had been used to get the wagons over ruts and swamps. It was 7 pm when the column reached a passable camp site. It was 10 pm before chow was over. It had taken twelve long hours to make a mere eight miles. There had been no lunch. Again, foot ailments were most prevalent.

As the night wore on, pools of water formed everywhere. Men huddled in groups to keep as warm and dry as possible. They were exhausted and certainly looked a very sad army. The old pup tents leaked and mud oozed up to meet the drips from the canvas. The doughboys realized that after daylight they would again have to go on - over the apparently endless hills, woods and swamps. They knew that they were getting the best that could be offered under the circumstances. One man who was weakened by dysentery managed to get to the front rank amid the cheers of his buddies.

After a 6 am breakfast of sodden hardtack and rain-diluted coffee, the men prepared for the third day. As the troops were about to leave, an old Russian appeared, and, with a big grin, offered the men a large pan of tomatoes. He asked for no pay. Colonel Morrow uttered some profanity and kicked the pan out of the old man's hands. He believed the tomatoes to be poisoned or they would not have been offered so freely.

It was 7:15 am on September 1st when the Americans left Renovka that third day of march.
Crossing a marsh some three miles wide, wagons again became mired. They were pulled along by means of ropes and manpower.

"Wonder if we will get out of these stinking marshes when we reach those hills," mused one doughboy. Another replied disconsolately: "Maybe the climbing will be worse."
As the men marched on, their shoes squished mud with weird, gurgling sounds. One soldier after shaking a mass of muddy slime from his feet, laughed sardonically. "When I think how I used to cuss a dry spell down on the farm. . ." Some of his buddies understood.
The ten-minute rest period during each hour was eagerly awaited. The doughboys would sit in a ditch with their packs against the berm of the roadside, wipe their filthy, unshaven faces and swat at the huge swamp mosquitoes. Tired, hungry and disgruntled, they cussed the world in general and Russia in particular.

The wagons streamed with water; mules and men dripped and stank. Besides, man and beast shivered in the cold wind blowing with cold rain. There were two thoughts paramount; the march would end and no matter how hot it might get, the sun would surely shine again.

Making headway was a slow process always. Trees had to be cut to build the ever necessary corduroy roads to carry the field pieces and the combat wagons. Much equipment was damaged or broken; much was simply left behind to lighten the loads. A supply company had its wagons and a hospital company and an ambulance. Each company had its own company equipment. The men had to carry their own personal effects.

It had become accepted that the march would be a dawn-to-dusk assignment. Shoes had so disintegrated that progress had been seriously hampered. For many men it was an effort to keep up; to be left behind might prove disastrous.

Frequently the mules had to be unhitched and their places taken by the exhausted soldiers who had to pull the wagons out of the mud. Finally, the troops had to abandon the "road" to set out for terrain that would lead them to a railway.

The soldiers marched on with haunting memories of that first stench-laden battlefield. Most little villages were ghost towns, silent, empty, dead. As a village was encountered, the men would call out hopefully. Always now, silence.

Morale of the troops was not of the highest. Two mules literally walked themselves to death. Men continued to grow weaker and increasingly discouraged. When the sun had blazed down on the first day the men had bitched. Now in the rain, the picture had changed, and for the worse. Many a man recalled his raincoat hanging on the kitchen door at home; then there was the old fireplace where he could warm himself after his work outdoors.

The "road" showed the ravages of war. Left and right lay the bodies of fallen soldiers. Often at night the Americans were forced to bury bodies to find an area to pitch their tents. It was not a pleasant task for men who had spent a day hiking on that terrible terrain.

The machine gun company had nearly reached the limit of its tolerance. One man stumbled into a bee hive. As the swarm assailed him a few laughs were heard. Another good target for the bees was Tony Klepatska, the Russian interpreter. Stumbling and waving his arms, he struck out in all directions. When he attempted to cast off his pack he became entangled and became a helpless victim. Elmer Moe and another man went to help him. For their consideration, the received the attention of the bees too. Tony was finally extricated. The bees were undaunted. They began to attack the mules who kicked and bellowed and sought relief in flight. Some of the mules were loaded with kitchen equipment. Moe told it this way: "The mules started down the road, kicking in every direction. The men opened up a line of each side with almost precision force to make way; if they had not they would have been trampled upon. The mules forged on clanking the equipment and strewing it as they went everywhere. It was a sight I shall never forget."

There was further excitement when a German sympathizer started to sound off. Although he was now a soldier in the United States Army, he could not resist expressing his thoughts. Eventually he was court-martialed and sentenced to hard labor. but perhaps this was better than marching through Russian swamps!

When it came time to line up the pup tents the doughboys found that, even with the use of bayonets, the terrain prevented maintaining any alignment. Not to be defeated, they scooped out shallow trenches around the perimeters of the tents. This improved the drainage.
Once the tents were pitched, chores done and chow over, the men felt better. Since there was no means of relieving tensions, the men lay down and attempted to sleep on the deeply scored ground. The city men suffered most.

"We had marched along like wet dish rags," said Don Pequignot. "We rolled blankets tight on our backs and trudged on. I cut my shoe on a broken glass bottle. That night I found a pair of shoes in the potatoes. They belonged to Colonel Miller. Although they fit me perfectly I figured I should return them to the Colonel. I nearly fainted when he told me to keep them."

The men used twigs and branches in an attempt to make a fire; this was not a success at all. By 10 pm there was the usual drizzle and the leaking tents.

At 2:20 pm that third day the Americans had reached their next stopping point, Uspanka. They had covered but ten miles. In spite of the early hour, a halt had been called much to the relief of the men. They considered the site "a hell of a place for a camp" but were glad that the day's tramping was over. Event he brief official report termed the roads "very poor (swamps)."
That night some of the soldiers began pacing back and forth; they felt like trapped animals with unfilled stomachs and wet bodies.

As the doughboys arose to reveille at 6 am on September 2, 1918, a light rain was still falling at Uspenka. They had the usual breakfast before they headed out due west for the railroad. They broke camp at 7:15 am and marched toward a town called Ordejevka. During the day they passed through wild grass and some buckwheat fields. The rain had let up for which there was much gratefulness.

According to some reports the Americans reached Ordejevka at 11:30 am; others stated that it was at 1:30 pm. They had marched another ten miles. The spot was a good mile or two from any wood or water.

At this time Morrow wired Headquarters at Vladivostok that the march was proceeding according to schedule. He expected to reach Ussuri at 10 am on September 4th. Rations were getting scanty. The Yanks hated the hardtack which was full of weevils by now. Perhaps they had forgotten the stories of their grandfathers who fought in the Civil War. Emory Todd had this comment to make: "We would knock the hardtack until almost all of the weevils were out and then dump the hardtack in the coffee quick. It was the only way some men could take it or they would starve." Todd also recalled: "Our feet were inspected by the medic as there was no doctor. Blisters were taped up. I was one of the lucky few who didn't get blisters. However, my feet were suffering something dreadful. I had a lot of dysentery too but managed to be in the front rank when we finished the hike. The older men suffered the most. We carried our rifle and bayonet and each of us had 100 rounds of ammunition and an emergency pack of hardtack, bacon and coffee."

Lawrence Nygard related one of his experiences on the hike. He had enlisted in 1915 and served in Texas City before he was sent to Vladivostok and found himself on the unforgettable 90-mile march.

One day on the march, to lighten his load, he placed some gear on a wagon. As he was hungry, he looked about and spied a pack of emergency rations. "I swiped it," he related, "and devoured the entire contents in a few gulps -- hardtack and bacon. When I think of it today, I still get indigestion."

By nighttime Nygard was again hungry so he went for his own rations. They were gone! "I guess someone else got hungry too. Anyway, God punished me. I got nothing but coffee that night."
Sometimes appetites were forgotten. Nick Hochee told of the time they stopped to eat. Again another heap of bodies was discovered. This time the corpses were piled like cordwood upon a new battlefield.

The state of the roads, the weather, the food and other incidentals seemed to have become blurred in the memories of many of the men who were on that hike. There was some recollection that near the end of the hike the Americans were able to buy some chickens, field corn and potatoes. This was an unforgettable event. One morning oat mush and sugar, without mile, seemed like a banquet.

The men who were most unprepared for the hike, and so fearful of being left behind, came marching in a sort of coma. During the last leg of the march they passed yet another battlefield. Here were trenches with dead Russians who had been killed by the Japanese. The fact that the bodies for some reason had been stacked more neatly, made the sight no less revolting.

One doughboy observed that, while the natives along he route were suspicious of the Americans, their attitude changed after they found the soldiers most friendly. "When the Americans first arrived the natives threw up their hands. 'This is the end,' they said. 'Now we will have nothing left.' But an officer approached a farmer regarding some newly mowed hay for the men to make their beds on. He produced a roll of money from his money belt to pay for it. The farmer was stunned. It was soon learned that, although the money could not buy them anything, the Americans were willing to purchase or trade. At least they were not taking everything from the people. . ."[viii]

One report indicated that camp was made at a spot two miles beyond a monastery but said nothing about a river. Another mentioned that they camped at the bank of the Ussuri, on open ground, and were glad to have left the marshlands behind. The wild grass was knee-deep and the terrain had become hilly en route. Everyone seemed happy and, as the weather was warm, most of the men went swimming. This was not only a good form of recreation but offered a means of removing the accumulated muck of the march.

Some men had been sent ahead to forage for food. Food was waiting for the troops at their destination. The quantity was not great, but the fare consisted of beef, potatoes and cabbage. The mule teams had very little to eat.

Reports indicated that small bridges had been repaired, trestles were in order and all trains were now running.

Along the route, when the men managed to speak through an interpreter to the least fearful of the Russian natives, the Americans were astonished to learn that much of the natives' fears of the Americans arose from the fact that they were white skinned and had light hair. A negro American, who had lived in Siberia had spread the rumor that all the Americans were dark skinned as he was. The natives began to wonder where the white men really came from.
At times in the evenings when fires were built, a few natives would wander in and gather around to hear the doughboys sing American songs. These Russians listened and laughed in their subdued, grave manner.

The Americans were always happy to find people in a village. Often they had heard that the Japanese had shelled village churches and frightened the natives away. One monastery had been shelled to ruins because the Japanese thought that it might be an observation point.
As the Yanks neared Ussuri, they were happy to be out of the wilderness. They were dirty, tired and hungry as they arrived at Ussuri at 3:30 pm on September 4th after making nearly 14 long miles from Tikamanavo. Before arriving, however, a most unusual event occurred. Dragging themselves along ...( ?????? check the books original text. unreadable)

....uld be coming along any minute, the band sent out its greetings to its buddies!

Since ancient days, no soldier was not inspired by music. The transformation that took place in the ranks hiking into Ussuri was heartfelt. When the band struck up "The Stars and Stripes Forever" the dispirited men held their hands a little higher, and their step was suddenly animated. More than one man could be seen with glistening tears upon his cheeks. Here was music from home!

The British, who had already arrived at Ussuri after fighting the battle of Kraevski, also helped to welcome the Americans. The British band struck up with "God Save the King." The Americans were most pleased and surprised; the local inhabitants were somewhat stunned. Perhaps they had never heard the British and American anthems.

At any rate, the musical reception spurred on the weary heroes. They approached Ussuri with lighter hearts than they had known for some time.

- At Ussuri -

The Americans were exuberant with the spirit of good fellowship which had overwhelmed them when they were met by the welcoming sounds of the 31st Infantry band and the greeting from the British contingent. In spite of the hardships they had endured, everything suddenly seemed right. When the rain ceased at noontime and the stillness of the atmosphere seemed to hush the possibility of further frustrations, the men of the 27th felt relaxed for the first time in many days.

Soon the marchers learned that the rumors which they had heard about the Japanese were basically true. The Japanese officers had indeed waited at Sviagino until the tracks were repaired in order that their own troops could travel to Ussuri in comparative comfort while the Americans had trudged for days through the muck and mire of that long hike. The joy of arrival was soon tempered by a great surge of angry indignation.

The American officers were concerned about the impression the bedraggled army would have upon its entrance into Ussuri. Men were ordered to spruce up. The doughboys paid little attention. Much grumbling and swearing were heard. IF their officers could be so outwitted by the Japanese, they were damned if they were going to do much to please them. One Yank commented: "We probably looked worse than we felt and there stood those damned grinning Japs all along the way."[ix]

The Americans reached the Ussuri River at about 3 pm and established a campsite on open ground on the south bank of the river. As soon as the camp site was set there was a mad rush to jump into the river for bathing and washing clothing. Firstly, there was much water consumed by the dehydrated soldiers.

The final leg of the hike had been one of the cruelest ordeals. The men knew that their destination was close at hand and yet it took all their energies to reach it. This poem expressed how the men felt.
If
(With apologies to Kipling)

If you can hold your head up while the others
Are drooping theirs from marches and fatigue;
If you can drill in dust that clouds and smothers,
And still be fit to hike another league;
If you can stand the greasy food and dishes,
The long black nights, the lonesome road, the blues,
If you can choke back all the gloomy wishes
For home that seem to spring right from your shoes;
If you can laugh at sick call and the pill boys,
When all the other lads are checking in;
If you can kid and jolly all the kill-joys,
Whose faced long ago forgot to grin;
If at parade you stand fast at attention
When every muscle shrieks aloud with pain;
If you can grin and snicker at the mention
Of some bone play connected with your name;
If you succeed to keep your knees from knocking,
At the thoughts of all the bullets you may stop;
If you can do these things and really like 'em
You'll be a regular soldier yet, old top.[x]

The shoes of most of the men were in a deplorable state. The thought of a swim was delighted, especially to relieve aching feet. "Of course we were cautioned not to drink the water but it is funny how the river went down after we all went in swimming."[xi]

It did not take the hospital train long to fill up with twenty-five men in the worst physical or mental condition. They were taken back to the hospital.[xii]

In spite of the debility of some of the men, the Regimental Commander was pleased with the high caliber of endurance of most of his troops. The Commander is reported to have stated: "I took my troops through those awful swamps and never actually lost a single man. Yet, as soon as they got into camp they started to drop like flies."[xiii]

At 6 pm, less than three hours after the troops arrived, orders were received from General Oi that the Americans were to remain at Ussuri until further orders. Apparently, the 27th Infantry had successfully completed an almost impossible mission much sooner than the Japanese had anticipated.

The troops were laid over for about a week. The mules as well as the men were in poor condition and needed attention. The doughboys had cleared the ground quite thoroughly. They had even buried dead bodies which strewed the site. In spite of everything, the new campsite was heaven compared to what the doughboys had endured during the previous week. The men began to sing, play games. They were thankful not to be pushing and pulling mules and wagons out of the Siberian mud. One day there was much excitement in camp when one of the men bought a small barrel from a farmer. He assumed that it was full of vodka. Soon he was surrounded by his buddies who were prepared to have a drinking spree. To their chagrin the barrel proved to be full of honey! The men subdued their disappointment by spreading their hardtack with the sweet, sticky contents.

The outwardly imperturbable spirit of the American doughboy on the first day seemed to astound The Russians, Japanese, British, Czecho-Slovaks and Chinese. All were amazed and puzzled that the Americans had been able to endure so much and still keep going. For weary as they were, the doughboys fought hunger and exhaustion and showed only relief to be out of the wilderness. More than one Wolfhound recalled this prayer, especially when they lay their weary heads down at Ussuri:

A Soldier's Prayer

Now I lay me down to sleep
I pray the Lord my gun to keep;
Grant no other soldiers take
My socks or shoes before I wake.
Lord please guard me in my slumber
And keep this cot upon its lumber.
Let no peg or guy rope break,
Nor the tent blow down before I wake.
Grant no fire drills sound at night
And in the morning let me wake
Breathing scents of sirloin steak.
God protect me in my dreams
And make it better than it seems.
Grant the time may swiftly fly
When I myself may rest on high.
Deliver me from work and drills
And when I'm sick don't feed me pills;
And should I hurt this hand of mine,
Don't dab it o'er with iodine.
In a snowy, downy feather bed
There I long to rest my head,
Far away from all camp scenes,
And from the smell of pork and beans.
Take me back into the land
Where I can walk without a band.
Where no thrilling bugle blows,
And where the women wash the clothes.
~Amen[xiv]

In spite of fervent prayers, all requests were not answered. The men still slept in leaky pup tents. Candles were doled out; some retarded the drips in the tents by holding a lighted candle over wet spots. They found that the heat dried the canvas and helped to stop the drips. But water still seeped under the tents and men often slept in puddles. Raincoats were used as flaps for the tents. However, the men were so tired that they slept through everything. There were times when they awoke to find that the water below them had frozen. They were literally obliged to rip themselves out of their iced blankets.

Both British and American soldiers recalled meeting each other on the banks of the Ussuri and fraternizing amiably. Some of the Americans remembered that while they were eating their slum, the British were frying ham and brewing tea.

The doughboys were relieved to know that they would stay in one place, at least for a few days. It was good not to be out on the 'road' and in the rain. Rations were increased and improved. The soldiers were given many chores to keep them active. One of their duties was to bury a mule.
Via the grapevine the Americans had heard that more troops had landed in Vladivostok and that General Graves was now in Siberia.

Many a Yank felt that it was high time for this arrival.

The Commander-in-Chief had indeed landed at Vladivostok on Labor Day, September 2, 1918.

Sources:

[i]William C. Boggs, 27th Inf.
[ii]Clifford E. Strohm, Co. A, 27th Inf.
[iii]Clifford E. Strohm
[iv]Clifford E. Strohm; Nick Hochee, 27th Inf.
[v]George P. Billick, Co. A, 27th Inf.
[vi]Packard's report
[vii]Priest's Medical Report, WDNA
[viii]Henry C. Fry, Quartermaster Corps. Fry was not on the hike but got many details about it from those who took part.
[ix]Clifford E. Strohm
[x]Submitted by David G. Moore, Evacuation Hospital No. 17
[xi]Lawrence Nygard, Co. M, 27th Inf.
[xii]Priest's Medical Report, WDNA
[xiii]Don Pequignot, Machine Gun Co., 27th Inf.
[xiv]Supplied by several enlisted men

The Siberian Sojourn Volume II- Chapter 19

2009-05-26T12:45:00.000-07:00

The Battle of Kraevski

The Allies had occupied positions on the line for the purpose of protecting the concentration of the Oi Division between Sviyagino and Spasskoe. The English and French battalions, some Czecho-Slovak troops and Kalmikov's detachment were under the command of French Lt. Colonel Pichon. The enemy, 5000 strong, gradually had advanced toward these Allied first lines. Kalmikov's unit, which had been on the right wing on the 20th, was surrounded by the enemy. After a great effort, the Cossacks managed an escape in the direction of the railway. The enemy, encouraged by this drive, came closer to the Allied lines. Again they managed to drive the Allies back.

During the predicament Pichon told Ward: "It is bad. Kalmikov and the Cossacks are in the high point in touch with us. The Czecho-Slovak 5th Battalion is on the right guarding the road to Sviyagino yet we do not know where the enemy is lurking."

When Pichon learned that numbers of the enemy had penetrated the wide spaces between the sentries, he realized it must have taken a concentrated effort to perform this feat. While most of the Allied troops slept in camps the usual sentries had been posted but they were too widely spaced to note that the "slippery" Bolsheviks were sneaking between them through the grass in the dead of night. When the alarm finally been sounded Kalmikov discovered that about thirty of his men were already dead or wounded. The intruders had also captured his machine guns.

When this new reached General Oi, the latter decided to go to Pichon's assistance without waiting for a planned concentration of the troops at Sviyangino. He gave orders for the advance of the battalion to the first line. Colonel Inagaki took command at that location.

The Combat of Kraeviski, as it was officially designated by the Japanese, began on August 23, 1918._ On that day, at 12:30 pm, Otani sent a secret message to Styer. It stated that the army would commence its movements on August 27th and would attack the enemy on the 28th. It was then that the commanding officer of the AEFS was directed to have the American troops arrive at Sviyagino no later than the morning of the 26th to familiarize themselves with the terrain before the battle of the 28th started. Colonel Morrow was asked to consult with Otani that afternoon at 4 pm regarding railroad cars and other matters. Styer went to work on the arrangements. On the afternoon of the 23rd he made this memorandum: "We have at present 24 cars and still need 82. . .three passenger cars, two second class and three locomotives. The Station Master at Vladivostok has already received the order for 82 cars, but up to now we have not received them. The Regiment will be entirely ready to leave when the cars, passenger coaches and locomotives mentioned above shall have been received."

That same night Otani received another secret message from Oi and advised Styer that the Commander of the Japanese division at the front had given him a resume of the situation regarding the enemy. The 12th Division was to move with a large force. Oi was to remain in Vladivostok. Only General Inagaki and his aids-de-camp Colonel Hyari and Major Hasinuma were to leave at 10 pm that day "to transport the American Army we will try to send quickly tomorrow if you agree. The Commander-in-Chief regrets exceedingly that this battle will be so soon, contrary to our plans. The Commander-in-Chief is very sorry. Consequently, the Commander-in-Chief believes you will understand our reason for changing our plan."

It was in accordance with these Japanese instructions that the American Command prepared to move three trains requested. In addition, the following were made ready: ten day's additional field rations, 5,000,000 of small ammunition (in addition to that carried by the soldiers), combat wagons and a field bakery with personnel. Detachments guarding the railway were directed to join the regiment for duty.

Because of the change in plans, the Japanese requested that the Americans go to the front at once. Thus it was that the part of the 27th Infantry not already on its way to Sviyagino entrained and left Vladivostok with Morrow on the evening of the 24th. General Oi also ordered the detachments from Spasskoe to go to Sviyangino. These various forces reached the front after the Combat of Kraevski was over and the enemy was in retreat northward.

When one considers the fact that Styer was informed shortly after noon on the 23rd and Ward was not notified until late that night one must conclude that the Japanese had full intention of attacking before the other Allies could reach their appointed destination. However, the British Colonel was unaware of this. Upon receipt of word from Oi he had set his watch for 1 am. Inagaki was due at 2 am and the Japanese were supposed to start the attack at 3 am. Dukoveskoie was the site this attack. It was but four miles away. The British were destined to be among those in reserve.

Back at camp Colonel Ward began to pace the field at precisely 1 am. He was and heard no activity. At 1:45 he deemed it necessary to rouse the Japanese who were to meet him at 2 am before the attack for 3 am. The Japanese officers seemed unmoved. He explained the impossibility of rousing all the detachments and completing a four mile march in the night in a matter of minutes. The Czecho-Slovaks were asleep and the Cossacks were curled up with their horses, deaf to any words of warning. In spite of his tensions, Ward felt the incredibility of it all. "What a lunatic war this is."

But to Ward orders were orders. He assembled his men and Captain Clark had the 25th Middlesex, transport and all, ready to march twenty-five minutes after orders were given. The British advanced along the railway. A mile and a half alo remonition concerning the Japanese had been well founded. He recalled Balsaar's warnings. Still it was galling after getting the British troops out to learn that they were not to take part in the battle. But the situation might change. Ward instructed Capt. Bath to move forward and to support him if necessary.

Other troops had been issued directives. The Japanese field and heavy artillery and the mountain guns of the Czecho-Slovaks near the railroad bridge of Dukoveskoie were to prepare to attack. The second company of engineers accompanied this artillery as did a Czecho-Slovak battalion which had been guarding the railroad station at Sviyagino and also the 5th Czech Regiment, less one battalion. This left the remaining British, French and Japanese troops and Kalmikov's detachment to constitute the general reserve which had been ordered to assemble at 3 am.

To the north of Dukoveskoie the three battalions of the Japanese infantry under Brigadier Commander Mihara had constituted the main early attacking force on the first line. After the infantry attack began the enemy was pushed back to the stream east of Dukoveskoie. This occurred at dawn at a time when all of the Allied forces were advancing. The river was crossed north of Dukoveskoie and a hand-to-hand engagement took place.

The Japanese reported: "The Japanese troops rushed forward without loss of time and drove back the enemy. . .with the help of hand grenades. At this moment Captain Consmi met a glorious death, being hit by an enemy grenade."

At the spot where the British had been ordered to meet for a rendezvous, Ward was busy or heard but Ward gave the order to his men to load and to be prepared for action. At that moment one of his men discharged his rifle.

Padley recalled the incident well. "It was before daybreak and we were at the outskirts of the village of Dukoveskoie when the rifle was discharged. In his book Ward reports a second shot but I know positively there was no second shot. It was just that one. The Colonel who had a pretty good platform voice could have been heard a half mile away, 'Who's the B........ foot that did that?' "

Within half a minute the night calm was broken by the firing of hundreds of rifles. The battle had begun. The enemy attacked Dukoveskoie from the west side of the tracks.

During a lull, Ward took his bearings. His area had been plowed by shells from end to end. The first one had piched just under a peasant's cottage. The cottage and its occupants were destroyed. A heavy purple pall hung over everything. Had the British been on that particular spot they would have suffered a similar fate.

In the growing light, with the aid of his glasses, Ward was able to make out the scheme of advance. He saw a continuous line from one mile on the left of the railway extending for some miles to the right. A space of about 100 yards on each side of the line was unoccupied.

It is doubtful if the Bolsheviks were aware that such an Allied army was now in Siberia. There was much fear among the partisans and not too much resistance. Those who could, simply made off. When the attack was mounted the Bolshevik armored train came into view. There was some machine gun fire from the Allied side.

The British had heard that the Japanese took no prisoners. The latter had bayoneted the engine driver, who, rumor had it, had been pressed into service.

By 8 am some of the first line troops had reached the hill to the south of Kraevski and were assembled. "The troops of the Japanese infantry company sent to cut the retreat from Kraevski suffered under a violent fire from an armored train while they were crossing marshy ground. Forty men were put out of action, but the company pressed on and cut the railroad, capturing two armored trains. The enemy, thus broken, retired. The Allied armies took up the pursuit of them which was pressed on the 25th."

Padley remarked that he felt Ward's description in the latter's book read more like a comic opera than a true account of the battle. The Colonel described how he went prancing along the track taking a pot shot "with Lance-Corporal's rifle." The lieutenant recalled that Ward had several hundred men moving en masse down a railroad track. "We made a pretty good target, however poor the gunnery," he stated.

"Therefore Dwight and I took it upon ourselves to put the men in extended order on either side of the track. We knew it was much safer that way although moving through the muskeg retarded our speed. The Colonel with a few bold spirits, including Captain Clark, who should have known better, continued on down the track. The next day we were reprimanded for re-forming the men. Perhaps we should have taken the high road and let the enemy gunners get their bag."_

"There, at the side of the road," Padley recalled, "was a man with a coil of wire, telephone wire perhaps, turned around his arm. He was prone on the track in his blood soaked shirt. Around the armored truck were a dozen other corpses, dead some ten hours. Their glassy eyes stared into the sun. The whole thing was beastly. I wish I could erase it from my memory."

A resume of the battle indicated that the enemy had 8,000 men. He left 300 dead on the battlefield. The total dead and wounded of the Japanese forces was estimated at 150. Losses of the Allied troops were not high but no detailed report of them had been received just after the battle. The principal booty consisted of two armored trains, two field guns, four machine guns, ten kilometers of telegraph wire plus a quantity of rifles, ammunition, etc.

By the evening of the 26th the Allies reached their objective - the hill. The enemy was retreating toward Ussuri Station. The Allied troops in the vicinity of the railway also proceeded toward Ussuri.

Later a communique from Gen. Nakajima to General Headquarters in Vladivostok stated that the Japanese had obtained information from prisoners. "Among three of them, two were farmers from around Ussuri Station and the third one was on his way. All three had been forcibly drafted. During the combat at Kraevski they deserted as soon as they saw Japanese troops. The following is their statement: (a) The draft of men between 18 and 20 was carried out in the Ussuri region on the 1st of August. These men were enlisted under the threat of death if they refused. (b) Equipment - the Bolsheviki sent them to Iman and gave them arms, etc. These prisoners were enrolled in the 1st Company of the 6th Peasant Battalion. Every man in this company had a Russian rifle and from 100 to 120 rounds of ammunition. (c) Re the Combat of Kraevski - the commander-in-chief of the Maritime Province is Sakovitch. The troops around Kraevski were under the command of a Czech named Rinder. The troops which participated in this action consisted of seven or eight battalions, each company having a machine gun. The battalion to which these prisoners belonged was stationed at Antonovka; it had four pieces of artillery. The Bolsheviki were said to have eight armored trains, five of which had been seen by these prisoners; two trains have been captured by the Japanese. They saw one or two aeroplanes over Ussuri Station. (d) The monthly pay of the soldier according to rule is 150 rubles per month, but they received on 17 rubles. The drafted men are forced to fight under threat of death. The rumor regarding the arrival of Allied troops which had been current for a long time was verified only after the Combat of Kraevski."

Railroad employees along the line were interrogated as to the strength of the retreating enemy. On August 26th they reported that there were some 4,000 infantry, two squadrons of cavalry and 19 pieces of artillery. There were also some armored trains and ammunition cars. During his retreat the enemy was said to be destroying the railroad and pillaging widely. He continued retreating until the 27th. On that date the Japanese infantry entered Ussuri Station where it immediately occupied the railway bridge which was not yet destroyed. The railway bridges that were destroyed by the enemy included one north of Kraevski, one north of Shmakovka and the Kaoul bridge. It was estimated that the work of repairing these bridges would require several days.

According to a Russian who had talked to the enemy, the latter had no information until August 27th of the existence of a Japanese army at the front. He stated that "The Bolsheviks were greatly surprised by the attack of the Allied army and his retreat was carried out in indescribable disorder."

Toward the end of August there was a great deal of activity all along the line. Echelon No. 1 of the Chinese troops arrived at Nikolsk on the 25th and left for Evguenievka on the 26th. Echelon No. 2 was expected to follow a day later. Echelon No. 3 had arrived at Harbin by the 26th and Nos. 4 and 5 were en route thereto. The Allied commander was expected to give the Chinese echelons necessary orders at the Nikolsk Station.

Two American echelons, two Japanese and two of Czecho-Slovaks with automobiles had left Vladivostok on the 25th. There were also orders to send four additional Japanese echelons.

At Evaguenievka there were four locomotives. One was said to be filled with Kalmikov troops, two with Japanese and one with Americans.

Although there was no unusual delay with regard to trains, there was considerable concern to keep them moving. Part of this concern was caused by a strike at one of the mines. The reserve supply of coal for the railroad was 1,800,000 poods_ as of August 26th. As the requirements were estimated at 30,000 poods per day, there was some concern as to the duration of the strike.

More sidings were deemed necessary at various stations so that war material could be adequately handled.

It seemed to observers that the whole of Russia's people was anxious to use the railroads in all directions.

Appendix #21, translated for General Headquarters, Vladivostok, Bureau of..

The Siberian Sojourn Volume II- Chapter 18

2009-05-26T12:43:00.000-07:00

- The British -

While the Americans were fighting with guerillas and bandits and working their way to Sviyagino, the British had been active in the field. The latter were proud to have been the first of the Allied troops to arrive in Vladivostok (on August 3, 1918) and never missed an opportunity to call attention to that fact. Almost at once, the British had been shuttled out of the city to the Ussuri front.

However, a number of the British Contingent had been hospitalized. These troops had already fought intensively in Europe and suffered from war fatigue. They were rated B-1, unfit for service in a theater of war. The Tommies called themselves "Members of the Hernia Battalion."

The official name of the British contingent was The British Military Mission. It was headed by Major General Alfred W. Knox, a former attache in Petrograd.
General Knox had been attached to the British Embassy at Petrograd and had escaped to England at the start of the Revolution in 1917. His knowledge of the Russian language made him a good choice to be sent to Vladivostok to take charge of the British troops. "He was a tall, distinguished person."
General Graves felt that Knox had considerable influence in shaping the British policy in Russia. "He spoke Russian and was personally known to many of the former Czarist officials; he was naturally autocratic and could not, if he had desired to do so, give sympathetic consideration to the aspirations of the peasant class in Russia whom he characterized as swine." The White Russians, Graves thought, "convinced General Knox, and I think he was honest in his views, that if the Allies would arm, equip, pay, clothe and feed a Russian force, the Eastern Front could be formed of Russian volunteers. This Eastern Army was to be commanded by Allied and Russian officers, and General Knox though only a few Allied officers would be necessary."
The British Military Mission consisted of the 9th Battalion, the Hampshire Regiment and the 25th Middlesex Regiment. It was the latter regiment which arrived August 3, 1918, 800 strong. These men had been moved from Singapore and Hong Kong. Many came from the Western Front of Europe and were not too pleased to be again sent into field service. The Hampshires did not leave India until October of 1918. The latter, therefore, landed in Vladivostok after the Americans. The Middlesex and the Hampshire regiments wintered at Omsk and Krasnoyarsk.
Colonel John Ward, commander of the Middlesex Regiment, had the best of his men on the way to Spasskoe by August 5th. The Colonel records that they left to the cheers of the multitude. Those cheers continued to ring in his ears for some time. A battalion of Czecho-Slovaks and a guard of honor from H.M.S. SUFFOLK hailed them and when they marched into town the soldiers, sailors and marines of many nations waved and cheered.
A reference book on the subject, however, reports that the British and Japanese were received in silence while the French and American troops were those who were cheered by the crowds.
It was upon arrival that Ward was directed to move his troops to the Ussuri front. As Commander of Operations, the Colonel had under his charge a small group of his B-1 soldiers. He estimated that some 18,000 enemies would oppose him.
As he marched out of Vladivostok, Ward returned the salutes of groups all along the road. He was a pompous sort of man who had been a Member of Parliament from Stroke-on-Trent. He had also been the secretary of the largest trade union in England. When the war broke out Ward did much recruiting for Kitchener, the propagandist whose posters aimed at stirring the hearts of men and women. Such posters titled "My Daddy had gone to war, has yours?" are today memorabilia of the early war years. Ward's activity in recruiting men gained his commission for him. He was promoted to colonel and given command of the 25th Middlesex which he began to train on Salisbury Plain. Subsequently he was sent abroad for garrison duty. Two of his companies were left at Singapore and the other two proceeded to Hong Kong.
One of the men serving under Ward was Lt. A.C. Padley. The latter's diary indicates that he had left Singapore on the SS LAMA and proceeded to Hong Kong where the PING SUEY carried him to Vladivostok. According to Padley, one unidentified man was too sick to face another tour of service. He jumped overboard before the vessel reached Singapore. This caused consternation and sadness. The Lieutenant was saddened at the wanton loss of another man who had done his best.
Padley was born on July 20, 1889 at Dent-de-Lion, Westgate-on-sea, Kent, England. He had grown up on a farm, rented by his father, which had derived its name from Westgate Towers, built in King John's reign. It was some 800 years old and in good state of preservation. "Almost as good as Westgate Towers in Canterbury," commented the lieutenant.
In 1914 Padley enlisted in the Royal Engineers at Rugby and was commissioned to the 4th Battalion, Royal Dublin Fusiliers in 1915. A colorful military career followed.
"I was one of the lucky 11 who escaped with two bullets from the Somme Salient in France in 1916. The 9th Dublin Fusiliers had 11 officers in the morning and at nightfall there were but two! That was some blood bath. Afterwards I could peep through the port hole on a hospital ship as she lay at anchor and see the green fields of Old England. I had a brief spell at Somerville, Oxford, which served as a hospital; it had been a ladies' college before the war. I was booked for India and left with a convoy of eight from Plymouth on May 4, 1917. Rumors said that the Germans knew all about us and were waiting. Incidentally, 55 ships had been sunk the previous week."
Padley had some fond memories of that trip. He recalled: "The tub went west and still further west for days on end and headed for Freetown for coal. Although the WARMER CASTLE carried chiefly British troops, there were a few civilians among them including Espanoza, a well-known actor at the turn of the century. He accompanied a group on a South African tour. Another was an actress famous for her part in the Chocolate Soldier when it first appeared. She sang bits of it at evening concerts on shipboard.
"Table Mountain -- a day or two ashore. Then the Cape. As that time I thought the strip of water separating Holyhead from Dublin to be the dirtiest strip known to man, but I had not yet seen the Cape of Good Hope at the 'right time' of year! Something of a monsoon awaited us at Durban. We packed sodden baggage in already sodden tents but kind people came out into the rain and invited us indoors. The next day the sun shone and we saw South Africa in all its glory. Durban once seen, is never forgotten. White rollers roaring up the beach for some of the finest surf bathing in the world. Blue mystic shore line of Pietermaritsburg. The whiteness and luxury of the costly buildings; the blue sea and bluer sky and green everywhere. Spent a little time on a Cunarder. . .not built for the tropics. It carried us away. The EMDEN was around and everyone was scared stiff. Portholes were blinded; not a match for a gasper on deck. Go below and could not sleep; nearly all dying with the heat. Boer tobacco goes rancid in the hold. Bombay and bustle and then we disperse. Some go as far north as the Himalayas. We reach Ambala in the Punjab. . .we travel south to Bangalore; a brief stop at Agra to the Taj Mahal, drill and listen to lectures. Saunter through the sunlit glades of suburban Bangalore when the day's work is done. Then Singapore with its odoriferous mango swamps, rickshaws, chotta pegs, tiffin club, chatter in the evenings, raffles, etc. Singapore is cocky and complacent and sublimely unconscious of what the morrow may bring forth."
Padley finally reached Siberia where he continued to report the highlights and experiences of his sojourn there. Usually the meager notations were jotted down with the stubs of the poorest type of lead pencil and were often written in the dark or by candlelight. His 1918 diary was purchased in Mandalay and is today but a burnt and untidy reminder of his activities of so long ago.
The Lieutenant went with Ward on the first trip to Spasskoe along with 500 other men and a machine gun section of 43 men with four heavy type guns. When they arrived at Nilolsk on August 6th there was evidence that a battle had been fought between the Czecho-Slovaks and the Bolsheviks. The men viewed gruesome sights of horribly mutilated Czech soldiers who had fallen into the hands of what Ward termed "the terrorists." Ward swore with indignation.
Once at the platform of the station at Nikolsk-Ussuri, Ward saw a Japanese rush forward and jam the butt of his rifle into the back of a Russian officer. The sentry grinned when the officer dropped to the ground and writhed with pain. The soldier was so pleased with this act that he was about to repeat it on the Russian woman. Ward drew his pistol to stop him. When the Colonel reported the incident to Japanese headquarters he was scathingly asked why he took the part of a Russian. Although Ward became an opponent of American policy in Siberia, he could not tolerate the Japanese attitude.
At about the time the British arrived, the Bolsheviks (when leaving Baikal Station) had placed guns on two car ferries. They shelled the Czecho-Slovak forces daily. This, however, did not hinder the latter's progress. Continual artillery action to the east of the tunnel had lasted until about 10:30 August 2nd, and then less frequently. Czecho-Slovak and Russian forces continued to move over the hill.
Gaida was reported to have passed the tunnel to the front on August 2nd and on the morning of the 4th Colonel Kadlets moved his headquarters to the front.
In Vladivostok information was received that the boldness of the enemy made it imperative that the tunnel be completed in order to permit an armored train to pass through the hill no later than August 6th. (Previously we have seen that the RRSC was alerted to this deadline and was working full force.) The British had been directed to move from Vladivostok to the front. Everything was done to prepare the tunnel for passage but rain hindered the work.
By Saturday night, August 10th, the tunnel had been prepared so that eight echelons of Czecho-Slovaks were able to go through. Further movement was again interrupted by a slide and falling rocks which had derailed a train.
During this activity, the British had become firmly convinced that the Allies should have greater forces. This was no new concept, for the British reply delivered to the United States State Department on July 30, 1918 had revealed a clear difference of opinion between Washington and London.
Although approving aid to the Czecho-Slovaks, the British War Cabinet feared that the proposed force was inadequate. Conveying his opinion of the American Aide Memoire to Lord Reading Balfour had written:
"On the other hand we cannot pretend to ourselves nor ought we convey to them that we regard (the) size of the American-Japanese force as in any way adequate to the necessities of the case. To us it seems almost certain that either (the) Allied expedition will fail or that it will have to be largely reinforced; we hope the latter. But these are hopes you can hardly convey to (the) President."
Ward, now in Siberia, proceeded to Spasskoe where he and some of his men dined with the Czecho-Slovak officer. Lt. Padley made this notation in his diary on August 6th: "We were glad to have arrived somewhere. We relaxed a bit, had an interesting dinner and went to a picture show afterwards, my first cinema in Siberia."
On the 7th Ward was busy with plans and surveys. According to the Colonel, the British troops were happily received everywhere. He noted that they went to Sviyagino "which was the last fair sized town before the place called Kraevski." Actually the latter was merely a station without a town but it became a busy spot within range of enemy artillery. At Sviyagino Ward again took tea with the Czecho-Slovaks and discussed the situation. Then he went to Spasskoe and decided that that would be his forward base. The British troops went into quarters wondering what the morrow would bring.
Ward's interpreter was Lt. Bolsaar of the Imperial Polish Army. The latter accompanied Ward for a long consultation with Ataman Kalmikov, the Cossack leader who was in the good graces of the Allies at that time. His cruel nature which was later to strike fear everywhere he appeared was not yet revealed.
As the war progressed to Kalmikov engaged brutal members of his own clan and ordered wholesale murders of people. One of these henchmen was named Julienk, a member of the Ataman's "Military Legal Department" which was in charge of carrying out murders. Julienk carried out such notorious deeds as robbing and murdering the Swedish Red Cross agents Hedblom (Swedish) and Opachang (Norwegian). But y rolled into the Amur to the Devil's Mother."
A Russian school teacher named A.N. Laremenko became one of the partisans. He reported the incident. Laremenko left an unusually fine account of his experiences and tells of his meeting Julienk in a Vladivostok jail, describing him as a striking example of the really criminal, sadistic type characteristic of those who followed Kalmikov.
Among the Czecho-Slovak commanders who were consulted on the situation were Captains Pomerenshiv and Stefanek who commanded the 8th Czecho-Slovak Battalion. Stefanek had been a brewer in Prague before the war, had been captured by the Russians and had been liberated after the Revolution. He had made quite a name for himself in Siberia and later was to become a General and the War Minister of Czecho-Slovakia. After the war he was killed in a plane crash while on his way home.
The British left Kraevski on the 9th. On the 10th they went on bivouac. Kalmikov was in action at this time.
Until that time the British had been billeted in railway coaches. The Czecho-Slovaks, who always seemed to have a preference for wooded areas as a site for defensive works, now selected one on the left bank of the road and insisted that it would be an ideal site for a British encampment. Riding about on his horse with wanted pomposity, Ward felt that the selection should have been his to make. He rejected the site chosen by the Czecho-Slovaks. He ordered that another site be prepared on the left flank of the woods. It was only 200 yards in front of the suggested site and was at a point where the roads crossed at a hollow spot on the ground. Ward claimed that he would feel more secure in that location pointing to the added protection of tall marsh grass which would serve to hide his position from observation by the enemy.
Men were immediately assigned to dig trenches. The Tommies grumbled at this; they were not in France where they had dug many "bloody" trenches. "France" commented a Tommie, "I wish to God I was there; we might have had Huns and lice, but I bet a free trip to Brighton they don't have these damned mosquitoes there." The British were becoming acquainted with the mosquitoes which had plagued the Yanks in another area. The enormous black mosquitoes were furiously attacking everyone. They called them the Siberian Monsters, just as had the Americans. Even in the tropics, there had been no similar insects. The flying black creatures were of an incredible size and ferociousness. Perhaps the only man who derived a modicum of satisfaction was the Colonel himself; he recalled that back in Hong Kong he had innocently inquired if it would be necessary to requisition mosquito netting for his men. He had met with the utter scorn of the Chief of Staff.
"Who ever heard of mosquitoes in Siberia?" the chief remarked reproachfully, "you know, Ward, you are not going to the South Pacific, you are going north."
Ward smarted under the scorn.
The 25th Middlesex had known with some degree of revulsion the tropical breed of mosquitoes; such were dangerous chiefly as malaria carriers. Ward realized that doubtlessly the C.O. had been right on that day in Hong Kong. Now in Siberia, the coldest of all places he could imagine, Ward wished that the Chief would stop by for a visit and see the huge ugly winged mosquitoes which would suck a man's blood through a thick blanket as readily as if they attacked his bare skin.
Ward himself reported: "They would find a place in the hair just below the cap and would raise swollen ridges of the head that would become so painful that it became almost impossible to wear any headgear."
No one had to describe them to the men digging the trenches. One man's wrists were puffed out level with his hands. Another's eyes were nearly shut after an onslaught of the insects that had attacked him the night before as he slept.
Nevertheless, the men continued digging; many a thought must have turned to a quiet, peaceful English countryside with gardens and with English cats. At about dawn the trenches were finally completed. The men took pride in the works. According to Padley, on August 13th the British made camp at the perimeter of the woods.
Meanwhile, the Czecho-Slovaks had skillfully constructed a bower hut of tree branches. This was intended for the use of the Command. A hearty laugh went up when the men saw it. The quaint structure seemed completely out of place near their newly dug trenches. One man was reminded of a fairytale in which at any moment Hansel and Gretel would appear. He would have preferred to see their trail of bread crumbs rather than Bolshevik shells.
Still the hut was a serviceable affair and was a good hideaway for the officers or so it was thought, until the rains came. Then the British found it necessary to leave the sanctuary and repair to an old abandoned hut with a wild and yet appealing abandoned garden. One officer with a British fondness for flowers was reminded of his own garden so many miles away. While inspecting the profusion of varieties in this charming uncared-for field, he was suddenly shocked back to reality by discovering a shell which had apparently been left there by the Bolsheviki. Excitement followed and the area was immediately deemed unsafe. The men again returned to the mosquito-infested edge of the dark woods.
Nerves had become taut. An attack was expected at any time. Finding of the shell had made things uncomfortable. Nevertheless, it was generally hoped and believed that although the enemy had complete mastery of the opposite side that he would be easily sighted as he came over the river and into the range of the British rifles.
For what seemed an endless time, nothing happened. The quiet and peacefulness tended to calm some fears. The silence had become a subject for conversation among the men. Apparently, there were no revolutionists in the area. All might have gone along quietly until a ragged old tramp came wandering up the road.
An officer gave the order to detain and inspect the ragamuffin. The latter showed passports which seemed to be in order. The sentries were instructed to allow the man to pass but to direct him so that he could not see the British trenches. In the light of future developments, either the trenches had been seen or the tramp had sensed their location. Wherever his destination led him, the traveller must have reported the presence of the British in that area. Apparently this had been done with such accuracy that by daybreak the enemy artillery began spraying the woods with shrapnel and shells.
"We were at breakfast when one of those damned things dropped within 20 yards of us. It pitched just under a tree and lifted it wierdly into the air," an officer reported.
Ward cursed the tramp and regretted not having had him shot. After sizing up the situation, the Colonel anticipated that things would worsen. The enemy had expended such a number of shells (some of German manufacture) that the indication was that they had an abundant supply of ammunition. The British had practically nothing to send back and were relieved when the enemy fire finally died down. The respite was short-lived. By darkness the shelling began again. The unequal duel lasted until about 2 am.
Via field telephone communication it was learned that the Czecho-Slovaks were retiring across their front and Kalmikov's Cossacks were retiring over the river lower down and were taking up a position at Antonovka at the extreme right of the British rear.
The British realized that their position had become dangerous. The next move by the enemy could place the latter near the British line of communications.
"Where in hell are the Japs?" one Tommy asked. The absence of the Japanese resulted in indignation on the part of the British. Lt. Bolsaar, who had remained in the background, now advised: "Don't trust the Japanese, I know them. They say they will march, but they will not come."
Many a man was to recall that statement in the months ahead. Colonel Ward was assailed by doubts concerning the Japanese.
Although the British soldier had a reputation of being indomitable in unfavorable situations, some of the men in Siberia were disturbed. "The Fairy Godmother must be with us," one man remarked, "or we would have been deader than doornails by now."
Colonel Ward had sent an SOS to the Navy. Until two days before, the British had been able to give an occasional shot in return, but the Bolshevik gunners had found their mark on the two guns which were supposed to prevent any advance attack along the railway. As a result the only two field guns of the British had to be called in to fill that gap. This left the infantry without any artillery protection. It was then that Ward decided to call upon the Navy. He wired Commodore Payne, R.N. of H.M.S. SUFFOLK, lying at Vladivostok, of the untenable position in which the 25th Middlesex found itself. The message stated: "Send artillery assistance at once."
Payne received the urgent message and, in an incredibly short time, he had fitted up an armored train with two 12-pounder naval guns and two machine guns. A similar train followed behind. The whole was under the command of Captain Bath, R.N., L.I.
Later Ward was to say of this aid: "It was scarcely possible to describe the feeling of relief with which our exhausted and attenuated forces welcomed this timely aid from our ever ready Navy."
As the armored train came within sight of the Tommies, it did not take them long to place the 12-pounders into action. A memorable sight ensued. One shot ladened directly on the leading enemy engine. Volumes of steam burst from its dies and when the vapor subsided the scene evoked a cheer from the men in the trenches.
This result enabled the British to bring the two Czech guns into position to keep down the fire of the enemy. It also gave the Tommies a sense of security. Their rear was now safe in case they were forced to retire.
Lt. Padley recorded: "When the artificers from the H.M.S. SUFFOLK came up in that armored train and pulled up at the points at Kraevski to forestall an enemy advance it was certainly a welcome sight. This may help to explain why, when anything went wrong in the trenches, a weary soldier could be heard to exclaim; 'Thank God we have a Navy!' "
The Bolsheviks were obviously taken by surprise by they appearance of the British train. Later the Bolsheviks began to spray shrapnel but were not able to locate the British guns.
The Navy had given the soldier a new sense of security. The small party in the advance lookout was practically surrounded. Under Petty Officer Moffat they managed to escape, but the enemy was at their heels. It was left to a marine named Mitchell to save them. Seeing Moffat in difficulty, he turned on his knee and faced the pursuers. Their fire was erratic but his was cool and accurate.
As the enemy train advanced to a point near the British defensive works, havoc might have ensued. However, the British 12-pounders were too smartly handled to allow any liberties to be taken.
The Bolsheviks remained silent the next day, but at night they again began to shell the British, this time from a new vantage point. This consisted in the occupation of an Orthodox Church set high upon a hill; the Church tower was used as an observation post. This aroused the indignation of the British, but no orders came to blast the church. As the men waited, an enemy armored train moved up at 9:30 am. four other such trains followed. However, when a flank fire was directed at Ward's new position the shells fell far short. His remaining gun changed position and by skillful maneuvering it was placed sufficiently near the enemy to put every shot near its mark. One shell was planted directly into the observation tower which caught fire at once and burned to the ground. As the tower burned the Tommies were sorry to see a lovely old church go up in flames; but they realized that lives had been saved by eliminating that observation point.
The veteran Czecho-Slovaks whose gunners were with the British then fired four shots so rapidly that the enemy was deceived into believing that four guns were in action against them. After about two hours the Bolsheviks retired with two guns out of action.
These had not been an easy few days for the British so newly arrived on the Siberian scene; this was also true for the Czecho-Slovaks and the French who had assisted. Yet back in Valdivostok the Japanese official had reported to American Headquarters that merely "some slight operations" had occurred from August 18th to August 23rd in the vicinity of Ussuri. Nothing was divulged as to the strength or location of the Japanese troops. The enemy was said to have been repulsed by machine guns furnished by the French. On August 2nd Japanese Headquarters had announced that the Kalmikov forces had occupied the position of Antonovka and had been attacked on the 20th from the rear but had effected a retreat in the direction of Kraevski situated about five versts distant.
The situation was considered difficult by the Japanese who stated that the village had been defended "under the energetic command of Colonel Pichon." According to the communique, 8000 men were at Khabarovsk, not too far distant. Five thousand of these were said to be Austro-German and 3000 Bolsheviki. A majority of the inhabitants of that city were considered hostile to the Allies.
The officials in Vladivostok regarded the situation ominous. Nothing had been mentioned about the British who had left the city earlier in the month to cope with the outbreak on the Ussuri line. The Allied commanders considered the Japanese reports distorted. Questions were raised as to what the British, French and Czecho-Slovaks were doing. All that the communiques seemed to mention was the great success of the "glorious Japanese army."
In the field word had reached the Bolsheviks that the Allied armies were assembling in Vladivostok with the intention of marching forward to wipe them out. At first the Bolsheviks had not bee impressed by such rumors considering such merely as a ruse; when they saw the British and the Czecho-Slovaks returning their fire, the strong attack of the Naval train and heard reports that the Americans were also on the move, they began to reconsider the validity of the rumors.
The Bolsheviks began to use tactics to confuse the peasants who were already petrified at the sight of so many strangers in their areas. As the Bolsheviks retreated they murdered local residents and pillaged villages. They also warned ignorant inhabitants that foreign soldiers were coming to torture them.
Meanwhile, Col. Ward's forces continued activity and artillery action in his sector in the woods. Lt. Balsaar continued advising Ward not to rely on the possibility of the Japanese making a flanking move as had been promised.
Ward arose early one morning to see a weary sentry walking his post. In a beautiful, serene Siberian sky the Colonel tried to picture what the coming day would hold in store. The sentry soon aroused the bugler who might have been disturbed in a dream of home to suddenly find himself back in a distant and alien country. After reveille was sounded, the camp was quickly bursting with activity and ready for another endless day.
A phone buzzed. The Czech operator answered; a serious expression appeared on his face. Returning the receiver to its hook on a large tree which served as part of the communication system, he turned to Balsaar.
"Major Pichon wants to see Colonel Ward at once at headquarters. It seems to be very serious," he reported. Nero, Ward's splendid horse was brought around at once and the Colonel soon was on his way.
Expressions of anxiety were heard in the ranks. Making his way to headquarters, Ward learned of the gravity of the situation. Pichon informed Ward that large numbers of the enemy had infiltrated between the sentries. The situation required immediate action to prevent annihilation of the Allied forces.
In camp the men had been warned to shoot any stranger on sight. When some men were sighted coming along the road, rifles were leveled.
Suddenly the voice of Percy Dwight was heard. "Wait! Don's shoot! I think those troops are Czechs." And so they were. They had become detached from their unit and were searching for the Allied lines.
Ward and Pinchon meanwhile had decided that a withdrawal was the only alternative to envelopment. Orders were drawn up so that a retreat would be both methodical and efficient. The Czecho-Slovaks were to retire first past Ward's lines and entrain at Kraevski; the British and the French were to bring up the rear. The latter, in turn, were to be covered by an English armored train assisted by a machine gun company of the Middlesex Regiment under Lt. King. "So the evacuation of our splendid position regretfully began."
The 12th Division had moved up from Sviyagino to deploy the Japanese troops immediately behind the new line. They pushed their right flank out far beyond the Bolshevik positions; early in the evening the Japanese began to envelop the enemy left with their usual wide turning movement. The Japanese units now acted as a reserve and were in position before sunset. The British were ordered to move the observation post of their armored trains 600 yards ahead. Lt. King, Ward's machine gun officer, was directed to move forward with a reduced company of Czecho-Slovak infantry to protect his advanced post.
Considerable action had taken place on the night of August 22nd. There were constant skirmishes between the British and the enemy. About 8:30 on the morning of the 23rd the British found that the Japanese patrols had quietly retired without giving notice. It was also noted that the enemy was in position on the plain for an attack and had alrea of the enemy. He arrived in time to see a duel between one of the British armored trains and a "rather spirited fellow of the same sort from the other side."
Shells were falling to the right of the British train on the very road on which the officers were riding. They dismounted and sent the horses out of range. They then boarded the British train and observed the contest.
The situation grew tense. One of the 12-pounders faulted and the British had to retire. They could not go too far back as it was obvious that the terrorists would follow and wreak havoc upon the British infantry in the trenches near the railroad. Capt. Bath was aware of this danger and steamed forward firing rapidly. Shells burst about his target and so bewildered the enemy that the latter retired to safety.
By 7 pm a few sharp rifle cracks were heard. These sounds soon became mixed with the staccato chatter of machine guns. The rolling sound of conflict spread from the center along the entire right front. Until then it had been exclusively a small arms fight. At this point the Bolshevik artillery opened up; the Japanese and Czecho-Slovak batteries followed.
The weather was beautiful and it might well have been another splendid Siberian summer night. Instead, all hell broke loose and the area became a flashing inferno. Ward described it thus: "The silent tree-clad mountains to right and left vibrated with the music of battle, while shell and shrapnel screeched like frightened ghouls over the valley below, where white and yellow men were proving that there is no color bar to bravery. This din lasted about two hours and then died away almost as rapidly as it began."
It had been a long and hard day. Ward turned into his wagon for the night and started the nightly ritual of fighting mosquitoes. The trains steamed slowly back to Sviyagino and all was silent again.
Ward had not been asleep long when a staff captain from Japanese Headquarters awakened him to deliver an urgent message. It was the order of the day and read: "To Colonel Ward. Officer Commanding Reserves. Operation Order by Lieut.-General S. Oie, Commanding 12th Division, Svagena August 23, 1918."
"1. All enemy attacks were driven back today. We gained two machine guns and five captives.
"2. The Allied troops will attack the enemy, inflicting upon them an annihilating disaster, tomorrow; August 24.
"3. The Japanese troops will attack the enemy, starting the present line, at 3 o'clock, the 24th, morning.
"4. The reserve British, French, Kalmakoff's forces, and a few Japanese companies will be under the command of Japanese. Colonel Inagaki will arrive at the north-western side of Dukoveskoie at 2 o'clock tomorrow morning.
"(Signed) S. Oie
"Lieut.-General
"Commanding 12th Division."
Harry LeMoine Ruggles, Royal Canadian Artillery attached to British Railway Mission
Graves' book
With the "Die-Hards" in Siberia by Col. John Ward
America's Siberian Expedition 1918-1920 by Betty Miller Unterberger
Padley's papers
Padley's papers
Ward's book
Colonel George H. Emerson's Report of the American Railroad Engineers with the Czecho-Slovaks, May 5 - September 1918, WDNA
Emerson's report
Unterberger's book quoting Balfour to Reading, Wiseman papers
Padley's papers
John Albert White's book
Ward's book; Graves' book
Padley's papers
Ward's book
Ward's book; Padley's papers
Ward's book; Padley's papers
Ward's book
Padley's papers; Ward's book; other reports
Ward's book
Ward's book
Ward's book
Padley's papers
Packard's report; report from various veterans
Padley's papers; Ward's book
Padley's papers
Ward's book
Ward's book
Ward's book
Padley's papers
Ward's book
Ward's book
Ward's book
Ward's book
Ward's bookrthern front. There were two large troop trai

The Siberian Sojourn Volume II- Chapter 17

2009-05-26T12:25:00.000-07:00

F & G Companies, 27th Infantry Regiment
En Route to Sviyagino

The Americans were amazed at the speed with which their first troops were shuttled in and out of Vladivostok.

On the night of August 17, 1918 Nick Hochee, Corporal of the Guard on the MERRITT, had become irritated by the bitching among the men who had been left on the transport. His company, Co. F of the 27th Infantry, was on duty. It was to remain at post until 10 am on the 18th when Company H was to relieve it.

As dawn approached Hochee was gazing at the twinkling lights of the city; he wondered what might be going on out there. He was startled in his reverie by the approach of Company H coming to take over the watch. He recalled that his first impression was that "something serious must be in the wind to have this change of orders."

Apparently H company knew nothing except that it had orders to prepare to take over guard duty at 6 am instead of at 10 am as had been ordered originally. While the men breakfasted they discussed the new twist. At 9 am they assembled for an officers' call in dining quarters.

At 10:30 am Lt. George T. Herrick, the young commander of F Company, told the men they were to get off at once with everything -- barrack bags and all. There was a scramble for equipment accompanied by thoughts of a fine day of sight-seeing in Vladivostok.

No sooner had the men debarked they were informed that they had been detailed to guard the railroad between Vladivostok and Nikolsk-Ussuri. Company G was to accompany them.

The men were detailed to the following stations:

Vladivostok 22 soldiers
Parvaya Rechka (1st River) 24 "
Vtoraya Rechka (2nd River) 24 "
Ugolnaya 56 "
Nadeshdinskaya 12 "
Tunnel 24 "
51st Verst 6 "
54th Verst 16 "
Kiparosova 6 "
Razdolnoe (Valley) 24 "

Total 214 Soldiers

Between Razdolnoe and Nikolsk 34 "
Aggregate 248 Soldiers*

* As per listing in Packard's report, page 27.

After the long ocean trip most of the men, especially those who had been seasick, were unsteady and yearned to get their landlegs again. Their thirst for beauty had not been quenched by one short look at what seemed to be a fairy-tale city. The joys they felt when they realized they were the first troops to view the scene vanished with the news of the immediate exit they were to make. But orders were orders. The two companies left at once. They headed northward in tropical garb with ten-minute intervals of rest. They did not yet realize that their exodus was ultimately to become a six-day, 90-mile forced march which has been likened to the Death March of Bataan.

It was a march about which the official records say almost nothing. It was a march which was not mentioned in General Graves' book or in his official reports. Yet it was a march which was recalled with painful clarity by each man who participated in it.

At the time of the debarkation they knew only that they were to participate in some kind of mop-up skirmish to the north. Once they stepped on land they saw that conditions were quite sorrowful. The stench of the city spoke of primitive sanitary facilities; the Americans began to wonder it, after all, they were not lucky to be able to leave that smell behind.

Company F was in the lead. After marching about three-quarters of a mile a railroad siding was spotted on which nine boxcars and two gondolas stood. The men were told to climb aboard and "make yourselves at home." What a joke! In wartime jokes are generally funny in retrospect only.
Company G followed and occupied the last four cars.

The two gondolas were then loaded with wagons, hay and horses. At about 10:30 am everything was in readiness to move, but there was no engine to pull the train. As from time immemorial, the soldiers waited.

Noontime came and went. There was no evidence of movement anywhere. Chow was eaten but still no action. Cramped conditions were aggravated by full field equipment, 100 rounds of ammo, emergency food packs as well as other odds and ends. Conversation waned. Wonder and anxiety prevailed. Sweat poured from the mens' brows and unpleasant odors assailed their nostrils. A short, stocky fellow announced authoritatively that he had heard that they were off to the Ussuri front.

"Yeh, so did we," yelped another, "but where in hell is it? We don't have any maps you know."

"Who gives a goddam as long as we get out of this stinking hole," replied a third man.
At about two o'clock in the afternoon a patrol of Czecho-Slovaks appeared. They stared at the men sitting by the boxcars and the Company Commander immediately instructed the official interpreter, who had been attached to the company at its departure, to tell the Czechs of their predicament and to advise them that the United States Army was not used to waiting so long for service.

The interpreter, Hochee said, was "a real case." He was named Loud Linny for he was forever stressing his cleverness. He claimed to have interpreted for admirals and generals. Later the men were to learn that he was nothing more than "a big blabbermouth, a good-for-nothing, and that he was also cruel and dishonest." Being of English-Maylayan parentage, he was able to speak English.

After speaking with the Czechs, Linny reported that their reply was "You are in Siberia now and the law of the jungle predominates here."

Lt. Herrick was puzzled and told Linny to explain that they, the Americans, had already put through the official order and there were no results.

The Czech replied: "If you wish to move, just take one of your squads or a whole platoon if necessary, and march down to that roundhouse about a half mile away and commandeer an engine and crew and get going. Otherwise you may be here for weeks."

It sounded quite unorthodox to Lt. Herrick; it certainly was not the way things were done in the United States Army. After due consideration he took the advice and sent a detail down to the roundhouse. Finally, at about 4 pm, the boxcars lurched and the Americans moved out into the vast unknown interior of Siberia.

As the cars bumped along the Americans began to sing songs as Americans are went to do. One big, loud-mouthed man with a western drawl extemporized on the rumors and said that an English sailor had told him that bridges were all out and the roads all had cavernous ruts. "You damned Yanks will need wings to get boxcars over some of them," the sailor had informed him.
Perhaps more than one American wondered how the sailor knew, and how the Westerner had had a chance to fraternize with a Tommy. They were to find the forecast only too true.
"If we get stuck and can't get over the ruts maybe we will have a nice long quiet vacation," one doughboy theorized. But the cars, cramped and uncomfortable, did not stop that day as the hopeful Yank had anticipated.

While the Yanks were complaining in the cars, an enemy force of two battalions and two batteries of four pieces had attacked Antonovka from the bridge northwest of Renovka. They had been repulsed by machine guns said to have been furnished by the French. The Bolsheviks had retired to Renovka leaving ten of their wounded behind.

This occurred on August 18th. A Russian contact squadron of four sections was sent out to deal with a party of bandits that day. The latter were in groups of ten men each and were pillaging the area. The bands were repulsed and the Russians advanced; in their retreat the enemy was looting and destroying bridges as they went.

On the second day out, August 19th, the train had stopped for fueling in a forest, the engine being a wood-burner. The fueling crew was in a state of panic resulting from what they had seen and heard; they took to the woods like wild hares and were not seen again.

As a result, Companies F and G of the 27th Infantry found themselves in the middle of a strange and foreboding forest without crew or guides. They had no notion of their location. At this stage they were not yet familiar with the terrain.

The doughboys took on the work of the departed crew. Uneasiness prevailed; an ominous air hung over everything.

Some thought that Company F had been sent out because it was the only company in the regular army with a First Lieutenant in command. Their Captain had been left behind in a Manila hospital. Those who liked Lt. Herrick felt that this was unfair but even they wondered why such an undertaking had been placed under the command of so young an officer. Others thought that Co. F had been sent out to be sacrificed in filling a hole in the firing line that was untenable.

Still others felt that they had been selected to go to the firing line as executioners to shoot deserters; that attitude did not make for relaxation.

The final rumor was the worst. Some had heard that this was a no-prisoners-taken war. Examination of the boxcars seemed to confirm this. There were markings on the cars indicating numbers of sick who had been thrown out to die in the Siberian ditches.

On the night of August 19th the Americans were encamped near the Japanese at Nikolsk; there they saw the horribly wounded from the battle from which there had been no retreat. It came clear to the doughboys that they were involved in something big. They were willing to do battle but thought it strange that they could see no enemy. That the latter were around was evidenced by the distorted and bloated dead which lay about. The Japanese rushed in more men and material but the enemy had vanished during the night, leaving only their dead.

Since Chinese bandits were still around, watches were posted. An added threat were the Bolsheviks who were certainly in the area. It was not at all like the battlefields of France where the location of the enemy was well known.

What was later to be called the Razdolnoye Affair was a night to remember as Nick Hochee recalled it. the Americans had been loaded on two gondolas and were moved westward about 15 miles. There a squad was let off for patrol duty; the others went westward for another mile. Hochee reported coming to a rut in a hillside. The engines halted and all but three guards disembarked.

"We went back a little and deployed using the roadbed for a parapet," he stated. "We were facing sloping hills from which there was firing."

As the firing came closer and with greater persistence, the men dropped rapidly to the ground squirming on their bellies before they realized that the pastoral terrain was well covered with animal droppings. When the firing eased off Hochee gave the order "Get up." A private to his left wiped his face and remarked, "Yes, coming up -- and for air too -- phew."
The firing stopped but resumed that night in the light of a bright moon. The Americans returned the fire and hoped for the best.

Private Steve Du Hart at Hochee's right suddenly called out: "Corporal, I think I got hit."
Hochee was stunned to see that the man's face was bloodied. So it had come to this. One of his own men had been hit by those damned, stinking bandits. Hochee was furious. He began to pull Du Hart out of the line of fire, all the while called for medical aid. When help came Hochee said a silent prayer for Du Hart and rushed back to his place on the line. Hochee had never forgotten that moment. He recalled "I think I was the first to have seen a fellow American shed blood for the first time on Siberian soil."

This incident had its ironic aspect; here were American men eager to fight the Germans in France, fighting along with the Japanese in Siberia and finding themselves wounded while pursing Chinese bandits on Russian soil!

Fortunately the timing for medical aid was excellent. Simultaneously with the departure of the troops from the Base it had become necessary to arrange for the evacuation of the sick and wounded on the line. Owing to the scarcity of rail transportation, a serious problem presented itself. The distance from Base to the line was too great and the roads too poor to consider other than rail travel.

After considerable difficulty with local authorities in Vladivostok, freight cars had been obtained. They were fitted with standee bunks from the WARREN, with Sibley stoves and bedding and medical and surgical supplies from the Regimental Hospital of the 27th Infantry. Necessary personnel was also detailed. In a matter of 19 hours completed cars were sent forward. They reached the troops just before Du Hart was wounded.

The official report stated that the Razdolnoye Affair was "an engagement between cooperating American and Japanese detachments against the Chinese."

Company F was subsequently ordered into a small village north of Razdolnoye where bandits were reported pillaging in a village. Shots were exchanged here; one large battlefield was strewn with a hundred or more slaughtered men and horses. The temperature at the time was 90 degrees. One American reported: "Oh that awful smell. It was so bad I can smell it yet."

After the firing at Razdolnoye stopped, Sgt. Burgland detailed two men to patrol the left bank and told Hochee to take two men to the hillside to determine if the enemy had left. Flashlights were used for signaling. When a spot about 300 yards up the hill was reached the men were ordered to halt. There they stayed with no gunfire to be heard, no bandits and no Bolsheviks; but instead of enjoying the respite, a new kind of enemy attacked - huge Siberian mosquitoes. These monsters were nearly as annoying as the now dormant enemy. They swarmed and bit and attacked the Americans as some enemy from another world. Orders finally came to return from the hillside. The Americans were never so happy to get orders.

A squad of soldiers remained for patrol duty while the others climbed aboard the gondolas to head westward. Every mile or so a squad of men was put off until only two men remained. The Americans discussed the situation and wondered what would happen if a large force approached. The small details at each desolate spot would have little chance of survival. Situations such as this plagued the Americans throughout the intervention.

On August 21st 400 Chinese bandits were reported to be on the line and to be approaching with rifles and machine guns. The Americans had arrived at a small railway station where a water tank was located. The company commander ordered Hochee to detrain his squad and to be prepared to fight in the event that the bandits would appear. The CO himself inspected the station with Loud Linny in tow as interpreter. Hochee's squad was ordered to remain to guard the station. The engine left the area with the one remaining squad. Hochee posted two sentries and the others gathered to discuss the situation.

Loud Linny became jittery after talking with the station master. A small village was spotted at the top of a nearby hill; Linny insisted that the men should go there and take what they wanted by force before the bandits came through and took everything for themselves.
Hochee said: "Nothing doing. I am in charge and orders are orders. We stay here and guard the station."

Linny replied: "I am not in the American army. I shall go by myself." He started off.
"Halt," commanded Hochee. "I will disarm you and put you under arrest if you try it."
The interpreter grumbled and swore; finally he quieted down and, with the rest of them, alleviated his growling stomach with some pickles from a filthy barrel in the station.
Finally the soldiers were on their way again. They had experienced many interruptions, mostly unpleasant, and had witnessed far more aftermaths of attacks than they would have liked. As they saw how the bandits pillaged the towns and retreated, their own blood ran cold; many more such sights were to be seen before Sviyagino would be reached.

Repeatedly the Americans were routed from their boxcars and rushed on an alert to a specific area only to find that again they were too late. Hochee described one day when the company had marched to a small village eleven miles distant; too late again. They stood there tired and dismayed and observed the gruesome sight. A dead man was lying in the roadway; other villagers were found wailing in pain from beatings received. The burned-out village with its charred ruins gave off an adrid odor. Buzzing clouds of fat mosquitoes had appeared. Buzzards were disputing with each other for snatches of the flesh of the dead. Not a customary scene to leave the Americans unmoved.

"Why?" they asked. "What possible good did it do to kill and burn?"
Those women who remained, with their customary solemnity, were wailing and praying to their God for mercy and guidance. Most of them had been ravaged and abandoned.
The doughboys did what they could to help the survivors and then had to return to camp, sick in heart and in soul.

Asa Williams recalled that he saw Russian people hacked to pieces by knives and sabres. That sight remained with him for life.

The soldiers hoped fervently that they would arrive, at least once, in time to prevent such devastation. They wondered how much ore they would have to see before reaching Sviyagino. They had been told that this town would be the point of concentration for them and other Americans arriving from Vladivostok.

Forever etched upon the memories of the men who made that trip are the sights which they witnessed. One veteran recalled seeing several boxcars full of Russian men, women and children. Most of them had been brutally cut or mutilated. "The dying mass of humanity was so mutilated it made us feel dreadful. The poor souls were being taken by train to Nikolsk so that those in one piece could have some treatment but that was a distance of some 25 miles or more and we were pretty sure that not many would survive."

In spite of the many unfamiliar sights and sounds which beset the Americans, their progress was slow. They saw destruction of railroad equipment all along the way. Bridges, trestles and tunnels had been dynamited; telegraph lines had been destroyed. The men began to doubt the existence of Sviyagino, but they continued.

One morning at about 2 am the buglers gave the call to arms and the men were up again, dressed or half-dressed, in quick time. With rifles in hands they rushed to the gondola to which the engine had already been attached. They were taken some five miles. Again they were too late.

"Again bandits had already done their dirty work and left. It was disheartening," one man stated.

There was nothing to do except to return to camp. During that night, just before dawn, they were again called out on two occasions. Each time the pattern was repeated - the bandits had fled. After that sleepless night the men were permitted to sleep later than usual the next morning.

The Americans continued to wonder how much more they would have to endure and how many more disappointments they would have before they reached Sviyagino. Finally one morning at a small siding, Company G was ordered to detrain with all its equipment. Company F continued northward until about 1 pm. In a dense forest they were ordered off with full field packs but without barrack bags.

"What next?" was the thought as they regarded the large trees behind which Bolsheviks or bandits might by lying. The Americans were apprehensive if not downright scared.
F Company formed a skirmish line and advanced through the forest. Tension increased when the file on the left encountered a Korean carrying a gunnysack. He was stopped at once but violently insisted that he was a respectable merchant on his way to town and that his sack held nothing but rubles and kopecks to purchase the wares he needed.

After some conversation the Americans were inclined to believe him but Loud Linny did not. He called the Korean a thief and a liar, while he twisted the man's arms and hands.
The company commander ordered Linny to stop the abuse. However, as a matter of precaution, the Korean was ordered to march along with the Americans.

The march continued all that day; the men were plagued not only by anxiety, but by hunger and fatigue as well. At about five o'clock that evening a small light was seen twinkling through the forest at some distance. A collective sigh of relief was in the air. It meant that the fear-ridden, miserable march was ended, at least temporarily. Thus far they had not been attacked; they prayed that their luck would hold up until their goal was reached - Sviyagino.
Fortunately, the cooks and the detail wit the train had arrived earlier and chow was well on the way. The weary marchers rejoiced loudly.

At last they had arrived somewhere. They pitched tents, washed, chowed up and bedded down for the night.

The following day the Americans learned that their wandering Korean was indeed a merchant and had told the truth. They were sorry the Loud Linny had mistreated the man; they reprimanded the interpreter in true army style.

- Others Out on the Line -

The fact that some soldiers had already left the city irritated those who remained in Vladivostok. This face concerned them as did many aspects of the so-called "Great Siberian Adventure." When the troops had arrived no preparations had been made for them. True, there were cheers, bands and songs which made them feel welcome; but all those did not provide instant accommodations or a good meal. There was confusion and secrecy. Utter confusion existed at their billets. At least the men who were already on the move did not have any worry about their immediate destination before going to sleep that first night. The Americans who looked to chow, a good night's lodging and time for sight-seeing were sadly shaken.

On the first day it was realized with astonishment that not one person among the arriving army had been entrusted with any data as to what the army was to do when it got ashore.

Added to the general concern was the eventual disposition of the discouraging pile of cargo which had been left on the wharfs. The men learned that the cargo simply had been swung off. Stacks of automobiles and other crated material had been piled high. When no more space had been available, stores had been loaded on the ice. When the ice had thawed the material had sunk to the ocean bottom. The men began to wonder if they would be billeted on the ice and that the same fate would befall them.

Then there was the enigma of the Japanese. They were supposed to be our allies but already strange stories were making the rounds.

According to Admiral Knight of the BROOKLYN, economic activity had preceded the military in the Japanese program. He declared unequivocally that there was a definitely conceived plan of economic penetration of Siberia by Japanese influence. Certain elements in Japan were said to be "willing to go to any length to secure control of the Chinese Railway through Manchuria. General efforts were made to establish a hold over mineral, agricultural, fishing, industrial and commercial enterprises east of Lake Baikal."

These problems faced the American army officers upon arrival. The officers began to observe with interest the activities both in and out of Vladivostok.

On August 19th the Council in Vladivostok was alerted to the grave dangers of the Czecho-Slovaks west of Irkutsk, and of some 40,000 enemies between them and the allies. It was a situation which the Japanese said needed immediate action and rapid campaigning. Apparently this report was just another ruse, for it was learned later that the Czecho-Slovaks had practically been in undisputed control of the Trans-Siberian Railway from Ekaterinburg and Cheliabinsk eastward to beyond the tunnels and to the southern end of Lake Baikal; and they had held this control since August 17th.

As the officer continued to study conditions the soldiers continued to bitch about their accommodations. Car Hansen of the 27th Infantry reported that they were in four-man tents at first and lived therein until they moved to large barracks with walls two feet thick and with double doors and windows. "There was a big brick furnace in each room in which three-foot cordwood was burned. A man fired each furnace day and night. They were detailed for this as we were for the stable guard. We had two mules to each unit and had close to 40 mules and horses for the officers so we were kept busy."

Lynn McQuiddy stated that the army barracks, after being cleaned out, were occupied by 250 men of the Ordnance, Quartermaster and Medical Corps. After mess they would give leftover food and coffee to begging children. "No water was piped into those thick-walled structures," remarked McQuiddy. "We heated water for shaving outside with a wood fire and were allowed only one cup per morning. There was no toilet, but we had a latrine tent outside. One day the wind blew it down. This was the height of being exposed to the cold, cruel air. There was a water-well hole at the other end of the building. Some nights shallow water froze on the cement floor of our barracks. As for dishes, each soldier used his field mess kit and cleaned it after mess."

When the men of the 31st arrived they believed, as had the previous arrivals that it would be good to see the city and find out what life was like in that strange port. No one had yet told them of the exodus of Companies F and G of the 27th Infantry. The 31st arrived on August 21st. On August 22nd Japanese Headquarters was informed that the 31st Regiment was available for field service. That very day the Third Battalion of the 31st was sent out to begin to relieve the 27th which had been on the road for several days.

The 31st arranged to entrain for the Ussuri front with Equipment A pursuant to verbal orders of General Otani. Again the dilatory habits of the railroad officials caused much delay. With the aid of five Russian Railway Service Corps men the regiment finally started. One section left at 5 pm carrying Headquarters Company, Machine Gun Company and parts of the Medical and Intelligence Detachments and a detail of the Supply Company.

One diary reports the departure thus: "The troops left for the northern front. There were two large troop trains that went out from here." Another stated that the third section, carrying A, B, C, and D had the balance of the Supply Companies, Intelligence and Medical Detachments and left around 3:30 pm. "Progress was slow after passing Nikolsk. The roads were all single-track and we passed sidings congested with Japanese troops and supply trains. Delays of one to seven hours duration occurred and we had experiences at all stations." The original plan had contemplated another spot as a concentration point for American and Japanese forces, but new developments on the Ussuri front resulted in enemy retirement of about 24 miles. This necessitated a change of plans.

Officially General Orders No. 1 written on August 26th at Vladivostok by order of Lt. Colonel Williams stated that the Third Battalion of the 31st Infantry, having reported to the Base and line of communications for duty in compliance with Paragraph 3 General Orders No. 4 Headquarters AEF Siberia, would take station at the following designated points:
31st Infantry

Officers Enlisted Medical Dept.
Vladivostok 1 24 1
Parvaya Rechka 0 24 1
Ftroia Rechka 0 24 1
Okhanskaya 2 89 2
Ugolnaya 0 24 1
Nadeshdinskaya 0 24 1
Tunnel 1 16 1
51st Verst 0 16 1
Kiparasova 0 16 1
Razdolnoe 5 40 1
Baranovski 1 32 1

Total 10 329 12

Morning reports from the above mentioned stations were to be serviced direct by wire daily so as to reach base headquarters not later than 9 am.

Twelve carloads of Japanese with a colonel in charge had been attached to Colonel Loring's train. This caused great delay. Initially the Americans were forced to wait for four hours before the entrainment of the Japanese was effected. As the latter moved along, the situation became increasingly confused. Each army had its own orders. The Japanese were ordered to travel to the front with great dispatch. The latter had become highly annoyed and apprehensive over the delays at each outpost where a handful of Americans were detrained. And the Americans had sworn bitterly at the Japanese for delaying their own departure. "If they were in such a damned hurry they should not have had us sitting on our asses for four whole hours before we left." Nevertheless the Americans who detrained nervously at each stop did sos with remarkable rapidity, for they had been arranged in order from front to rear with all rations assigned to each in the right car. The truth was that any stop that had to be made at all by the Americans had incurred the wrath of the Japanese.

The remainder of the 27th Infantry still in Vladivostok was also ready to move. Japanese Headquarters had been notified that the Regiment would be ready for field service. The latter would consist of 149 officers, 1375 enlisted men, 238 animals and 27 vehicles available for field work.

The two days after the 31st Infantry pulled out of the city, Lt. Col. Charles Morrow left Vladivostok with his men of the 27th.

' They entrained in two groups: one left on the 24th, the other on the 25th. Morrow, as commander of the 27th Infantry, was ordered to proceed to the zone of advance at Sviyagino. There he was instructed to become part of the Japanese 12th Division under General Oi.
All sections left in boxcars. The men and officers occupied practically the same type of accommodations. Sleeping arrangements consisted of two shelves with planks across the end of the car, one shelf above the other. Each shelf was assumed to hold five recumbent men. A stove occupied the center of the car.

On August 25th nine enlisted men in charge of Master Engineer, Junior Grade, Fred Schwartz left the city attached to the 27th Infantry. They carried with them map reproduction equipment consisting of mimeograph and mimeoscope supplies and sketching cases for reconnaissance work. En route to Sviyagino they made mimeograph reproductions of the Nikolsk-Ussuri sector. About 200 copies were supplied within six hours.

Also on August 25th the second section comprising Companies I, K, L, and M, and the medical attachments left Vladivostok at 8 am.

Progress to Sviyagino was slow and the trip in the cars was rough; there had been numerous attacks made upon railroad property. Bridges, trestles and tunnels had been blown up and telegraph lines had been severed. Morrow's contingent arrived at Sviyagino in two sections, one at 4 pm and the other at 9 pm on August 27th. the entire regiment awaited orders from Colonel Morrow.

- At Sviyagino -

Morrow bellowed orders and things began to hum. Men, coarse of speech and without reverence, cussed the Colonel. Generally he was tagged either "Old Fuss and Feathers" or "Bull of the Woods." The Colonel was a severe disciplinarian. Many privates and staff officers hated him, yet stood in awe of him. They knew he was an honest man who moved with quick decision.
Most of the men under the Colonel were rank amateurs in the waging of war. Morrow knew this and whipped them verbally until they assumed a military mien.

Morrow abhorred red tape. More than one man thought that the Colonel would have liked to have been Commander-in-Chief of the Siberian expedition, but what officer would not have liked that title? The Colonel had been a Sergeant-Major in the regular army and was, by any standard, considered a man's man. "He meant what he said and had the guts to establish discipline. He was a heavy drinker but he never let it interfere with his work."

He told his men "any son-of-a-bitch that gets hit with the whip of a Cossack and doesn't shoot him will get six months." The men knew he meant it.

A great talker, Morrow would make a speech whenever given an opportunity. Some men unaccustomed to oratory idolized him and thought of him as some kind of superior being. Others wondered how they could dislike the man so much yet admire him so deeply.

The period spent at Sviyagino lasted from August 27th until August 30, 1918. Grateful for the rest, the men relaxed, slept and hoped that cramped conditions in the boxcars would not be as bad when they set out again.

Sviyagino was a beautiful spot about 150 miles from Vladivostok. The Americans enjoyed the scenery. They hoped that there would not be too much sickness for there were only two medical officers with the entire regiment and only one hospital train.

The soldiers knew that they were going to see a lot of "Old Bull of the woods" in the days ahead. It would be some time before their final objective would be reached and Morrow was in complete charge.

The three-day rest ensued when Morrow complied with the follow message from General Oi: "Railway bridges at Kraevski and Shmakovka were blown down very badly by the enemy. . .A few days will be required to repair them. The enemy seems to have retired as far as Ussuri and there is no enemy to be found south of the river Kanli. The Allied troops will remain in their present position until the damaged bridges are repaired and allow the trains to pass. The American troops will stay in the south of Kraevski. I am at Headquarters Shmakovka."

Then, on further orders from Inagaki, all of the railroad cars used by the Americans, with the exception of the hospital, ammunition and officers' cars, were turned over to the Japanese. With these cars the Japanese were able to move the bulk of their forces toward Ussuri. The bridges north of Kraevski, eleven miles from Shmakovka, had been repaired.

The Ussuri River had an expanse of water at Shmakovka. There were islands in it with maples and elms and there were mineral springs near an adjacent monastery. But the road ran through marshes before reaching that location. Kaul Siding was about ten miles distant from Shmakovka at a spot just ahead of Ussuri Station. The railroad traversed a vast steppe which was believed to have been a former lake bottom. During the wet season the region was covered by water, condition which was to become familiar to the Americans.

At Ussuri Station the bridge had not been destroyed and it is significant to note that hardly had the routed enemy disappeared than the Japanese infantry forces occupied the site.
Meanwhile, the men of the 27th were furious at being left behind while the Japanese took their cars. The Americans decided that they had been hoodwinked while serving under the command of a Japanese general and wondered how soon General Graves would arrive to set matters right. Much as the men resented Col. Morrow's harsh discipline, they realized that his hands were tied until the arrival of the American commander-in-chief. Morrow did express himself in his customary manner but all he could do was to report his orders to Vladivostok.

The Japanese moved forward in the American cars on August 28th. They reached the River Tanga and captured a 300-ton steamer at the settlement of Ussuri. From there the advance was pushed vigorously. There were no further reports of enemy forces south of Iman. The latter was a town with a population of about 30,000. Located there was a railroad restaurant and a small station. From this station a branch line ran to the wharf of the Iman River, about a mile distant. During the construction of the railroad Iman had been an important center. Bridges between Iman and Tanga were believed to be intact although ten small bridges need repair. Apparently this information was replayed to Shmakovka. Coincidence could hardly account for the fact that at 8:25 pm on August 28th the following divisional order was sent from the Japanese Headquarters to the Commanding Officer of the 27th Infantry:

1. I intend to continue our advance -- north as soon as the railway conditions allow me to do so.
2. By your consent I desire the American troops under your command to withdraw from the camp at Sviyagino and proceed north to the monastery north of Medoceyia and to proceed there. Please take the road passing through Kunovka and Uspenka.
3. As regards the supply you will please manage yourself.
I am at Headquarters 12th Division, Shmakovka.
Oi (Lt. I.J.A. Commandant of 12th Division I.P.A.)

This order of August 28th reached Morrow at Sviyagino on the 29th at 8:30 am. He immediately wired Vladivostok stating that the monastery referred to was the Nikolsk Monastery six mile east. He added: "At present our supplies remaining at Sviyagino but hope to place them at Kraevski. March at 6:30 am tomorrow the 30th."

During the day of August 29th the Japanese communicated further regarding the disappearance of the enemy south of Iman and stating that their utmost efforts could not replace the damaged railway bridges at Ussuri before Sept. 3rd.

The report continued: "In order to avoid the confusion of railway transportation the echelon of the 12th Division, which is now on its way to catch the main body of the Division, is obliged to stay at Spasskoe and is alighting from the trains there now. The American forces should continue their march to Ussuri Tomorrow (August 30th) evening."

It was said that progress along the railway north of Ussuri had been maintained and that damaged bridges had not delayed the advance of sufficient Japanese forces to acquire all military objectives. On the 29th a cavalry squadron had skirmished to the west with five enemy transports en route to Iman. According to a report. . ."after an hour's fight these transports fled, three Bolsheviks fell in the water." One of the drowning men was captured and informed the victors that there were 500 men and two pieces of artillery plus eight machine guns on the transports, and that they were fleeing south of Lek Hanka.

At 9 pm that night the squadron sighted the rear of the enemy in two cars, one of which was armored. Nine Bolsheviki who had destroyed the railway bridges between Iman and Bikim were taken prisoners. Regarding the line Iman-Bikim, a subsequent statement declared that the railway between Iman and Bikim had not been out and that south of Iman the repair of the road was almost completed and that transportation by rail was being made.

Therefore it may be seen that the Japanese proceeded to advance along the railroad directly toward Iman and Khabarovsk while the American troops were sometimes instructed to make detours where roads were nonexistent.

Sources:

Medical Report WDNA
Packard's report
Merl E. Stoyer, Co. L, 27th Inf.
Sheridan Ballard, Headquarters Co., 31st Inf.
Nick Hochee, Co. F, 27th Inf. and others
Porter E. Turner, Russian Railway Serivce Corps.
William C. Boggs, Headquarters Co., 27th Inf.
Joseph Demastrie, Co. I, 31st Inf.
Packard's report
Packard's report
Packard's report
Priest's Medical Report. Also History of 27th Infantry by Capt. George A. Hunt
Report of Operations of Engineer Detachment, signed by Earl W. Jennings, Capt. Corps of Engineers, WDNA
Jennings' Report of Jan. 8, 1919
Nick Hochee; Raymond Lefebvre (27th Inf.); James J. Merati and others
Priest's Medical Report; Nick Hochee and William C. Boggs
Packard's report
Siberian and Eastern Russian, Part II, Pacific Coast to Irkutsk, Military Monograph, Subsection M.1.2., Military Intelligence Division, General Staff
Packard's report
Packard's report
Earl W. Jennings, Report of Operations Engineer Dept., AEFShe 27th Infantry reported that they were in four-man tents at first and lived therein until they moved to large barracks

Information Sources Re: Faulstich Collection

2009-05-26T09:25:00.000-07:00

Dear Readers,

I present the following for information and future refernce puposes,

1) A page on Wikipedia was started by another party on Edith M. Faulstich

2) I have an entire listing of Edith M Faulstich's Postal History collection as well as a list of all the AEF letters/diaries she collected, which went to auction during two different auction years (1973 & 1974).

3) Thereafter, her remaining A.E.F. Siberians work went as a gifted donation to Stanford University. Additionally, there is a list of the initial inventory of each box the went to Stanford. Mine are hardcopy versions only and would need to be scanned. My sources for any future generations or persons performing research, seeking information and the ability to obtain photocopies/CD/images of any of the remaining A.E.F. letters are noted below.

4) Fred Faulstich was her surviving husband. In 1985, remaining pieces of the collection were further auctioned off through another auctioneer: Richard Frajola, POB 2679Ranchos De Taos, NM 87557, http://www.rfrajola.com/, Telephone (575) 751-7607

Hoover Institution Archives
http://searchworks.stanford.edu/vufind/Record/4089165/Description

University Mailing Address:

Hoover Institution
434 Galvez Mall
Stanford University
Stanford, CA 94305-6010
Phone: 650-723-1754
Toll free: 1-877-466-8374
Fax: 650-723-1687
E-mail: lmaune@stanford.edu

My Personal Contact at Hoover:

Carol A. Leadenham

carol.leadenham@stanford.edu
Assistant Archivist for Reference
Hoover Institution Archives
Stanford, CA 94305
Telephone: 650-723-3563
Fax: 650-725-3445

Edith M. Faulstich collection, 1918-1975
Location: Hoover Arch.: Stacks
Call Number: XX(4089165.1)
Collection Name: Faulstich, Edith M. d. 1972, collector
27 ms. boxes, 18 envelopes, 7 album boxes.

Summary of the Faulstich Collection:

Diaries, letters, and reminiscences of members of the American Expeditionary Forces in Siberia, reports, notes, printed matter, and photographs, relating to American military activities in Siberia during the Russian Revolution.

To Cite the Faulstich Collection:.

APA Citation Faulstich, E. M.. Edith M. Faulstich collection. .
MLA Citation Faulstich, Edith M.. Edith M. Faulstich Collection. , .

To Cite The Siberian Sojourn:
http://searchworks.stanford.edu/vufind/Record/1868779

APA Citation: Faulstich, E. M. (19741977). The Siberian Sojourn. [Yonkers, N.Y.]: Faulstich.

MLA Citation: Faulstich, Edith M. The Siberian Sojourn. [Yonkers, N.Y.]: Faulstich, 19741977.

Original Auction Source for Faulstich Collection:

The auction source and dates for the Edith M. Faulstich collection containing extensvie compilation of postal history letters are listed in two rather large auction booklets: I am the holder and keeper of the two original sellers version of the auction books regarding her collection.

The Edith M. Faulstich Collection
Postal History of the World

Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday
November 19th 20th, 21st, 1973
185 pages

&

Tuesday, Wednesday
May 28th & 29th, 1974
132 pages

Robert A. Siegel Auction Galleries

120 East 56th Street
New York City, NY 10022

Alice M. Fisher on

Twitter.com/Unlimitedpr

Siberian Sojourn-Volumn II, Chapter 16

2009-05-14T19:07:00.000-07:00

Chapter XVI

Events to the end of August 1918

As the Americans continued to arrive in Vladivostok they could not help realizing that they were engaged in an international campaign.

Simultaneous with the various summer engagements of the Czecho-Slovaks, the United States, Great Britain, France, Japan and China had issued proclamations on August 3, 1918 announcing intervention. Each stated individual policies with regard to Russia. Washington send orders directing troop movements to Vladivostok; British troops landed on Siberian soil.

Admiral Knight was obviously annoyed that he had to learn from the Japanese foreign officer that American troops would be landing shortly. He sent a confidential wire to Washington asking to be advised concerning this report. Knight had been extremely faithful in keeping Wash9ington alerted regarding conditions so one may well wonder why neither the State, War nor Naval Departments had reported to him regarding American policy. Perhaps no such policy was firmly established.

When the Americans arrived they began to associate with men from other countries. Many happy associations resulted as well as some less happy. When queried about their allies, many confusing and diverse answers were reported. The Americans were most vocal about the Japanese.

- The Japanese -

Japanese infiltration into Siberia had begun as early as the spring of 1918. At that time an unpleasant incident occurred in Vladivostok which served as a pretext to put men ashore. It was the general consensus of opinion that the Japanese had designees on the Russian maritime provinces.

"On April 4th (1918) at 11:00 a.m., several armed men in the uniform of Russian soldiers entered a shop in Vladivostok and demanded money. This being refused, they then shot and killed three Japanese. Early the following morning, Kato (Imperial Japanese Navy) put a party of marines ashore for the purpose (as he put it in a written notification to the Russian officials) of protecting the lives and property of Japanese citizens in the city. A second Japanese contingent was landed later in the day, making a total of 600 men ashore. The British followed suit by putting ashore 50 men as a guard for their consular establishment.

Kato explained to Knight the same day that he had been unable to find any authority on shore to whom he could appeal for the protection of his nationals. He had received information, he said, that Russian communist sailors had planned to loot the city; he thought the attack on the Japanese might have been a premature move in this direction. He had therefore acted under necessity. He had not received any further instructions from his government; but he expected an increase of his force by one more cruiser and three destroyers, to arrive April 6."
As for the landing of troops for the intervention in the summer 1918, the first body of the Japanese detachment departed from Moji and Ujina between August 3 and August 21, 1918.
The first force arrived in Vladivostok on August 5, 1918 on the Hizen Maru. It was followed on the 11th by two transports with some 20,000 troops. Immediately upon landing the soldiers paraded down the main street of Vladivostok.

On the 12th, 17th, and 21st similar landings took place. There seemed to be no limit to the Japanese as they poured into the city. The original plan of supplying 7,000 troops had already been far exceeded at this early date.

The Japanese commander, General Kikuzo Otani, by Imperial Japanese Order of August 10, 1918, was instructed to prepare the detachment under the command of the 12th Division. He was also instructed to command the detachments of England, the United States, France, Italy and China. All were to advance as soon as was possible to the vicinity of Khabarovsk.

The aims of the Japanese were outlined in an official Japanese report: "The Japanese conformity with an American proposal, the War office authorities, with the consent of the Government, on August 5, 1918, recommended to His Majesty the Emperor that Japan dispatch to the Maritime Province a detachment of 12,000 men under the command of the 12th Division of the Japanese Army. At the same time they proposed to the Allied Nations which intended to mobilize for the purpose of rescuing the Czecho-Slovak Army, and to China, with which there were special relations in view of the Sino-Japanese Military Agreement, that the right of directing the Joint Military operations be instructed to the Commander of the Japanese Army.

This proposal having been agreed upon, the staff of the Vladivostok Expeditionary Army was organized and dispatched. The instructions given to the Commander of the 12th Division upon the dispatching of the staff were that he should cooperate with the Allied Armies, rescue and assist the Czech Army, remove the German and Austrian Agencies at work in the Maritime Provinces and maintain peace and order in those regions."

American officers soon learned that the Japanese were prone to distort reports and to arrange military assignments in such a way that the other allies would be in the rear after the Japanese had won a battle. Another source of irritation was the planting of a higher rank wherever a few American soldiers were stationed.

General Graves was to say that he had often wondered why the Japanese wanted troops at out-of-the-way station. The only conclusion he came to was that the Japanese probably felt that if they could keep troops at such stations, Japan could justify her sending of 72,000 men to Siberia instead of the 12,000 agree upon.

In her research on the Siberian Intervention, the author sent a list of queries to as many American Veterans as she was able to contact. The replies to the query "What do you know of the Japanese in Siberia?" included some of the following replies: "The Japanese had the largest number of forces in Siberia and they were the biggest pain in the neck. . .They could not be trusted as far as one could throw a bowl of sukiyaki. . .They were the cut throats of Siberia. . .The were sociable. . .We got along fine. . .The only unpleasantness was from the Japanese but this was only at the Company or Platoon level. . .They didn't like us and we didn't like them. . .We had to be careful what we did and said. . .They were supposed to leave Siberia when we did but I heard they left 75,000 there in civilian clothes. . .They were lousy. . .They had the most troops and did the most fighting outside of the Russians. . .I could not say as much as one good word for them. . .I liked them. . .They were in the International Military Police Force. . .I doubt if any fouler, filthier, low down scum ever existed anywhere at any time.

.As a whole the Japanese people are very clean and have a little pride. .

At the time Siberia was overrun with Japanese troops. 80,000 were up there as compared to only about 10,000 Americans. They had two infantry regiments plus detachments of quartermaster, engineers, medical corps, etc. . .I don't think you could force livestock to go in the cars of the Japanese troop trains I saw at times. They relieved themselves right on the straw on the floor. . .The Mikado gave "my American troops" a series of five Japanese postal cards and a lettersheet as part of a Christmas present. That was pretty nice. . .My impression of the maneuvers of the Japanese was that they were in the field to grab territories that held rich deposits of coking coal when the international strike became weak. . .We had squabbles with the Japanese over water wells but a little show of force was all that was necessary. . .They were all over the place. . .Understand they were set to take over completely but the did not. . .They were polite. . .In one of the engagements a substantial number of troops watched us in action but did not participate. Another engagement in which I was in charge of the rear guard I saw some Japanese soldiers that joined us. When we were unexpectedly fired on, they excitedly indicated such by gestures and promptly hit the ground. We continued on our way leaving them behind. . .I heard so many stories and rumors that I didn't care to believe them. . .If any, the affair was between the American and the Japanese, I recall one instance rather clearly. We were en route by train in the spring of 1919 to Verkhne-Udinsk. It was toward evening when we came to a stopping place. It must have had to do with he Japanese clearing the road for us so that we could move on, for I remember a Colonel or General Buck saying "Either you'll move, or we'll mover your bowels." Shortly after which we were enabled to proceed on our way. . .There was a bit of animosity against the Japs but it seemed more flagrant among the officers.

The Japanese enlisted men always greeted us with a cheery "Owhyo" (Good morning). . .The Japanese soldier did not receive much pay. It hardly kept him in cigarettes, yet they were able to sample the fruits of the hill (Kopek Hill, houses of prostitution).

As their small pay did not permit such luxuries, the Japanese Government took care of it. Each man was supplied with a card permitting him to participate at a House of Ill Repute so he could rid himself of his excess baggage twice a month. The Madam punched the card even as you or I would have a card punched in a cafeteria. . .They were very much at the base of all military planning and the real reason for our presence in Siberia to commence with. . .Vladivostok was overrun with Japanese. . .They were dubious allies. . .I wonder if one reason we were there was to prevent the Japanese from taking over. . .One occasion that has had no publicity revolves around the Japanese occupying a small town near the mouth of the Amur River below Khabarovsk. Japanese arrogance and brutality aroused the Russian populace to the extent that they rose up and attached the Japanese garrison and the Japanese shelled the town form destroyers in the river.

They had long coveted a foothold on the Asiatic mainland and fully expected, on the strength of their 80,000 or so troops and their ranking generals (coupled with the chaotic Russian situation), to take over completely. General Graves, backed by our State Department, and our troops completely frustrated their expectations. The Japanese must have derived some satisfaction to wipe out the 31st Infantry later at Bataan and Corregidor. . . We did not get along with them. . .They were not particularly friendly. . .We got along with them when necessary but had little to do with them. . .The Japanese camp was next to use at Beresovka. . .The Japanese were smuggling snow (dope), which is a drug, in order to weaken the Russians. Some of our boys took the drug and almost went out of their minds. . .The supply train would arrive and the Japanese would attack it and then they would blame it on the Bolsheviks. . .The Japanese were flooding Vladivostok, Khabarovsk, Harbin, Nikolsk and so forth with cocaine. Every week the whole city of Vladivostok would seem to be at the docks waiting for the dope shit from Japan. The Russians called it snek (snow) and those who were addicts were called snow birds. . .They were very exclusive and not very friendly. . .The Japanese were with us at all times. Sometimes they were friendly and sometimes they were mean. We handled them okay. . .We were warned before landing that the Japanese were friends, but the Japanese had the idea that some day they would have to take us. We were only 7,000; They had at times more than ten times that. . .Their men were constantly being moved from one end to the other of the Trans-Siberian Railroad. . .

They were there and the Russians would spit every time they would hear the name. . .Very uncooperative. . .Japanese army units behaved as though they meant to stay in Eastern Siberia permanently. . .there were many misunderstandings with them and near clashes of firing with live ammunition. . .Japs were in the same town as us at times. . .Practically all the Allies had taken representation in Siberia: Italians, English, French, etc. We got along good with all of them. . .The only beer we could get was from (ILLEGIBLE TEXT, CUT OFF) For awhile General Otani was our commander too. . .Didn't cooperate with us. Broke some of our supplies at the railway, "so sorry". . .I guess the 27th Infantry had more trouble with the Japanese than anyone. . .They were kind and friendly. . .We hated them. . .In spite of an agreement to send a much smaller number the Japanese swarmed in to the tune of 80,000. They took care to bring in generals with greater seniority than any of the other Allies, and appeared ready to seize and take over as much of the Siberian terrain as they could, which they had long coveted. . .They were kept in line principally by General Grave. . .Friction was constant with them and developed on occasion to near battle status. . .They were uncooperative and dictatorial. . .One Japanese general complained to General Graves that the Japanese always came out second best in endurance and speed in marching, and General Graves is said to have told him it was a matter of difference in diet. This is said to have resulted in a drastic change in Japanese dietary requirements. . .

At the time of the Gaida revolution (November 1919) American and Japanese details, with about the same distance to go, were alerted and made forced marches to the scene of the uproar. The American patrol under command of Lt. George Woods, a long time army veteran, arrived first and had the situation in hand before the Japanese got there, much to their discomforture. . .

The Japanese were billeted in some buildings across the street from us. Some of the Americans had run-ins with the Japanese. . .What our purpose was I never did fully understand. There was supposed to have been a contingent of two regiments from each of the Allied nations, U.S., Canada, France, Italy, Britain and Japan. The Japanese, however, sent at least ten times what we did.

Although we fraternized to certain extent with the soldiers there was a certain undercurrent of animosity between us. . .There is one thing I do remember, they could never understand why the American soldier always went downtown, or anywhere else in his off duty time without a side arm, either a pistol or a bayonet. They weren't long in finding out. After a few of them were knocked out with a stiff right or left hook, they didn't ask any more questions. . .My company went with the Japanese from Ussari to Blagovestchensk. . .No one liked them. . .

One day in a sporting house a stampede in trying to get out of the house; some dived through the windows, others between the legs of our sailors. Our sailors had told them previously that if they were ever caught in our territory their throats would be slashed. . .I was attracted to a huge Japanese officer in a picture, as I had never seen a Jap that large in Japan or anywhere else. I don't think there could be two like him anywhere in the Japanese army. He must have been the general that dealt our boys so much misery in World War II. . .

It was not any surprise to any of us years after when they bombed Pearl Harbor. That was what they did to the Russians in the Russo-Japanese war. History has a way of repeating itself and that subject seems to have been neglected in our military schools, prior to Pearl Harbor. . .We were not allowed to look into the Japanese trainloads in Siberia.

Once in Harbin we were not allowed and when our representative asked what was on the train (it was obviously troops) the reply from the Japanese officer was "Corsets for the Russian women.". . .There was seething unrest amongst the people of Vladivostok and Khabarovsk against the Japanese and they did not miss a chance to take a toll.

Once, during the Intervention, I arrived in a little town about 13 miles south of Khabarovsk. There were a number of Japanese stationed there. Early in the morning the Bolsheviks moved in. When we arrived all the Japanese were dead in their cars, on their porches and inside their stations. . .They were cruel. . .They never buried the enemy dead, only their own. . .They pillaged, raped and stole as they went through Siberia. . .They were courteous and helpful. . . Once they saved my life, for this I am extremely grateful. . .They were crude and deceitful. . .

The Japanese would send men home and then send new ones back to Siberia so they had fresh blood there constantly. . .Everywhere we went we saw the flag of Japan. With the exception of a few towns and bridges guarded exclusively by the Americans, the Japanese troops were always present. . .They stayed there long after we left for home.

A New Year's greeting card mailed in 1922 from Manchuria is evidence of this. It had four red characters, used as a frank for soldiers in the field. . .We found not only soldiers but agents and merchants everywhere. . .Some of the Japanese were in civilian clothes but worked for the military."

As the Americans observed the ever-present Japanese and as they watched the grinning coolies and heard about the war prisoners that were at large, they had concerns about what would face them beyond Vladivostok.

The prisoners quartered in Vladivostok were put under the control of the Americans almost from the start of the arrival of American troops.

- The POW's -

The men of the 31st Infantry, Company K, were ill at ease when they were assigned to guard the POWs at the Base of Supplies. Some of the Americans dug up ancient grindstones with which they sharpened their bayonets. They were not anxious to take any changes with the "Heinies." As for the prisoners, they looked on an mumbled to themselves.

They were not sure of the situation either. The Czechs had warned the prisoners that the Yanks were a tough bunch and "might decide to bump them off." Company K lined up the apprehensive Germans and Austrians for count and ordered them to proceed to one of the large locomotive warehouses which was to be their permanent home. It took some persuasion with bayonets before the prisoners were finally herded in the night. The POWs were not sure of what would happen to them once they got inside. Many had already spent years in Siberia and if their lives were to end in a mass execution they seemed determined to put up a fight.

After getting them in and posting the sentries, the Americans prepared an adjoining warehouse for their own quarters and then fell in line for chow, "good ole army stew, coffee and bread." It grew cold early in the evening. That night the straw beds felt good to the men; they were much better than the hard canvas bunks of transport. They had been in Siberia for only a few hours and already they had accomplished much, seen much and were exhausted. Harry Rohrer, the Prison Sergeant, noted that the prisoners soon realized that the Americans were not intent on executing them. Corporals Rhoades and Cubbs were Rohrer's assistants.

Captain William H. Crow was the Prison Officer. Two prisoners were detailed as bookkeepers and two as interpreters. Rohrere's duties included the handling of all work details and the administering to and the disciplining of prisoners. He recorded: "It didn't take those German prisoners long to find out that the Americans were human and that they would be treated kindly as long as they obeyed orders. They were each issued a Helen Gould Field Cot, straw and blankets. They were put on regular army rations and allowed to make themselves as comfortable as possible. Then the POWs were organized into companies and each company knew just what was expected of it. The men built a massive kitchen and detailed their own cooks and helpers and had their own quartermasters and supply sergeants."

The prison personnel included skilled mechanics. Soon the prisoners had their own shops for tailors, shoemakers, barbers, watchmakers and general repairmen. There were several artists among them as well as cabinetmakers and toymakers. The craftsmen occupied their spare time at their trades and sold their wares to the American soldiers, officers and civilians. The American doughboy was a ready purchaser.

Each prisoner was paid one dollar for each day he worked. Deductions were made for their rations, clothing, tobacco, etc. The prisoners were provided skilled medical attention and an army surgeon was on duty at all times.

Although they were given every reasonable comfort, rigid discipline was maintained. Rohrer recalled that his chief worry was keeping the Austrians and the Germans from fighting among themselves!

At the beginning the prisoners were directed to prepare the warehouses for permanent quarters. Some were detailed to unload the transports and others to fill in the pits of the warehouses after which heavy planking was laid for floors. Latrines were built. Kitchens were set up.

Prisoners were detailed to repair and to build roads. Still others began to clean the Russian barracks which would be used as troop quarters. These old barracks had formerly been used as hospitals and refugee shelters, but were so filthy that it took days to restore them to a state fit for occupancy. When this task was finally completed, the 31st moved from the Base of Supplies into the renovated quarters.

Regarding the state of the POWs, General Graves was to say later that the miserable conditions were brought to the attention of the American officials. He added: "A committee of one officer from each of the Allies here was appointed to draw up a scheme under which we could take charge and care for them. Five hundred were taken by us. We assumed the first full care and responsibility of these men. Later the number was increased to 521. They do all of the work at the Base including discharging of the transports, reclamation work, etc. and are paid under authority paragraph 65, Rules of Land Warfare, $1.00 per day for actual number of days worked. The cost of maintenance for actual days worked was charged against them. This labor has been very satisfactory and has enabled us to discharge the transports with a minimum of time and a maximum of speed."

Bill Mason recalled seeing one prisoner who came to the barracks and took pictures of the men who wanted them. "Billy Witcraft and I had ours taken," he (ILLEGIBLE TEXT)...we got a dozen, he took 6 and I took 6."

Paul Bencoe was on the other side of the fence; he was himself a prisoner of war and had been from 1916. He recalled that "at irregular intervals a fellow prisoner would talk through the door and yell in Hungarian the equivalent of "Mail" and would read off the names of the lucky ones who would get letters. Then he would hand them their mail from home. Mail sent to us POWs had to be deposited at a designated collection place in camp. Both incoming and outgoing mail was censored. I believe, but an not sure, that the International Red Cross had something to do with the POW mail. That is all I can recall after all these years."

If some of the Americans had heeded their parents' advice to keep diaries we would have had a better record than we do of events. Ralph Baggs' father wrote to his son on August 14th at New York and advised: "Keep a diary of events. It will be extremely interesting to you in you later life and will tend to refresh your memory." Unfortunately, Baggs paid no heed. Baggs' dad also advised: "I don't suppose your letters will be censored from that quarter of the glove, so you may write us fully of what is going on."Unfortunately, letters were censored and, whatever Baggs may have written has now passed into obscurity for there is not a trace of any of his mail from Siberia to the States. Thus we have no record of his thoughts in those long dreary months in Siberia. We do have mail to him and note the patriotic fervor in that mail and in the mail to and from other men. Censorship during WWII, the Korean War and our involvement in Vietnam has deprived the world of much documentary history. As the years recede we are to be compelled to rely on "official reports" by those who are not permitted to present the whole story.

The mother of Ralph Baggs wrote to her son: "To think that my boy was going so far off and I was not there to wish him good luck and a safe journey. I am sure he will succeed for you have the right feelings and will try, as you have doe ever since you gave your best efforts to the United States, when you made up your mind that you wanted to help your country and make it safe to live in. God bless you my boy."

As more and more Americans and their allies poured into the city of Vladivostok they continued to be staggered by the strange metropolis. As the months wore on they learned more and more about The Mistress of the East, the prettily situated capital of the Maritime Province.
Vladivostok is situated on the slope of a coastal range between the Amur Gulf at the southwest extremity of a peninsula between the Amur Gulf on the west and the Ussuri Gulf on the east. The magnificent harbor which was formed by the bay of the Golden Horn on the western and northern sides had created a city that seemed to slumber in beauty.

Founded in 1860, Vladivostok was a free port from 1865 to 1909. At the time of the arrival of the Americans it had a population of some 100,000, consisting mostly of foreigners of many nations. The Chinese had the larges population. Then there were Koreans, Japanese and Germans. The cost of living was high but life itself seemed cheap.

Vladivostok was the largest and chief port of the Russian Far East. It was the terminus for the Trans-Siberian Railway and was the Russian Naval Base on the Pacific. It may still be that. Visitors are not encouraged.

The main street of Vladivostok, Svetlanskaya, ran east and west. Not far from the Golden Horn, it was crossed by a railway. To the south were found the Municipal Garden and the Museum. On the north side was a monument and farther to the east was another. The Greek Orthodox Church and a Lutheran Church were also in this vicinity. It seemed strange to the Americans to learn that there was a Lutheran Church in Siberia until they learned of the influx of Germans into the area.

From the heights above the Observatory, a breathtaking view presented itself. Other landmarks included the Roman Catholic Church, the Oriental Institute, the Kunst and Albers Department Store and restaurants such as the Zolotoi Rog (Golden Horn), the American Grille and the Railway Station Restaurant.

An electric tramway ran from the railway station along Svetlanskaya Street. This was the cause of much jest. Called the "Toonerville Trolley", the Americans had much to say about overcrowding and thievery on the street car. It was about half the size of an ordinary trolley and ran" when it was not being repaired and if there was power."

Every trip seemed to include pickpockets. McQuiddy recalled the time he was with his friend, Private Libby, who had his wallet lifted. He knew who the culprit was so waited for the latter to get off, then followed him and knocked him cold with one on the chin and retrieved his property." There lay the man on the cobblestones and as McQuiddy and Libby walked from the scene they imagined that the gathering spectators might wonder about those Americans who seemed so adept with their fists.

The market place of Vladivostok fascinated the Americans. Everyone appeared to gather there to buy, sell or just gossip. The bazaars were market parliaments. Here the city and country dwellers could meet to discuss war, politics, Bolsheviks, propaganda, policies of the Allies, cost of food or anything else. Rumors as well as pamphlets were circulated at the bazaars.

In retrospect, the Americans had mixed feelings about life as they came to know it in Vladivostok. At the time of the first arrivals in August and early September of 1918 the climate had been most a agreeable. In winter the bay was icebound from the middle of December to the beginning of March and sea communication was difficult except by use of icebreakers. In the winter the highways were frozen and during the ensuing fall the mud became intolerable. However, there were lovely nights when one could hear the tantalizing music from the boats in the bay.

Beautiful as the Americans found the scenery upon their arrival, they were surprised to find almost no trees in evidence. The hills around Vladivostok were barren except for low brush. A few small parks dotted the city and these had benches upon which the soldiers could meditate or fight off romantically minded local girls.

One American stated that he found Siberia a wonderful land with good soil, fine grass and the best timber. There was also a surprising amount of minerals, as well as game and fish. The resources of Siberia were incalculable, needing only the wherewithal to make them available.
The consensus of opinion was that the people in Vladivostok lived "a very crowded life." There were few modern improvements or facilities. Filth was everywhere. Food and clothing were difficult to obtain; soap was almost nonexistent and water had to be carried in buckets. There were no toilets in the homes; each city had a public toilet which everyone used and which discharged into the open. The lack of plumbing, the drabness and the poverty depressed some of the Americans. Yet others spoke of the beauty. The buildings were described as "beautiful but ancient looking. . .They were of European style." Most of the buildings were so old that they gave forth an air of stability, an air in contrast to conditions. "I found the city romantic," one soldier remarked, "magnificent native costumes with an amazing culture amongst some of the people. Yet the terror of Bolshevism was grasping the people when we arrived and the lust for blood was in evidence everywhere." As for the Bay, that was a jewel, sparkling in the sun. The Golden Horn was the magnificent entrance to the harbor. Surely this was a land of sharp contrasts.
Many of the Americans did not sense the culture of this land; they saw only poverty and stagnation. "We found the cobblestones odd. They were not square like ours but egg-shaped field stones of oval type. They made me feel as though we were walking on eggs."

The oddly numbered residences in the city and strange construction of those just beyond aroused the wonder of many Americans. "There were a great many wooden dwellings on the outskirts which invariably had a door high in a gable with a ladder leading down. It looked to me as though they wanted an emergency exit in case of deep snow. But as I never saw snow over 18 inches I am not sure I was right about this," were the comments of one soldier.

Most homes and stores were illuminated by oil lamps and candles. Because of fear and uncertainty, few people ventured out by night. An American soldier, Jesse Sale, decided to visit the main railway station one evening. He found it was off limits until the premises had been cleaned. Even after this had taken place, Sale remarked that he saw lice crawling up the door casings and the place looked dirty as a coal bin. Sale added that all the cities were "pretty run down and dirty." On the other hand, John Souhrada of the 31st observed that "considering their limitations the cities were pretty, clean and rather well set up."

In most cities the wealthy and the poor rubbed elbows in the stores and in the market places. In Vladivostok those accustomed to western culture were amazed to note that local authorities had made little or no effort to tidy up the streets. While there were elegant clubs and eating places, it was not unusual to see a dead animal or even a dead man lying on the streets, sometimes for days before the forms were shoveled away. "I have seen well dressed men and women stepping right over a corpse, scattering the flies in every direction: was a comment of one doughboy.
Youthful and eager to see everything new, the Americans enjoyed watching quaint customs, bawdy scenes any novelties that came their way.

Julian Sheppard of Texas was enthralled by the majestic horses he saw in Siberia. He had spent a good deal of time on a ranch back at home but admitted he had never seen horses to match the ones the Cossacks rode. Sheppard who was with the 27th, Co. K, was born in Llano County, Texas on March 18, 1895. His dad was a farmer and a cowboy and his older brothers were cowhands who performed splendid feats on horseback. Young Julian aspired to follow in their stirrups, but it was not to be. He was never to be a cowboy. He wandered off and found himself in Pailes Valley, Oklahoma when the country went to war in 1917. Sheppard enlisted and was sent to Fort Logan, Colorado on November 17th and went on to Angel Island, California to join the 27th Infantry. He left for Vladivostok on the UST CROOK arriving there on August 15, 1918.
In retrospect Sheppard remarked, "Today my Siberian trip all seems like a dream to me. but I do recall meeting Czecho-Slovaks there. They had been captured in the town where we were stationed and there were a good many prisoners there too. There was a parade, I recall that too. We marched through the town and realized that those silent movie cameras were grinding away and taking pictures of us! Not long afterwards I was on my way to Khabarovsk, and for the first time in my whole life I saw a dead soldier. It was not a good feeling."

Sheppard saw more than cowboys in Siberia. He saw great tall men called Cossacks with magnificent dexterity on beautiful horses. These horses were better than his brothers had ever ridden. And the Cossacks were better than his brothers when in the saddle. Sheppard was anxious to get back to his old home town area taking up residence in Brownwood where he was able to brag about horses and horsemanship he had witnessed in far-off Siberia.

Paul R. Coleman of Company B, 27th Infantry, recalled that they stayed on the transport until quarters were found for them and said that they were pretty annoyed by the whole deal and wondered who was responsible for overlooking to make proper arrangements for quartering the Americans.

Coleman had enlisted in Ohio and was sent to Texas as early as 1914. He recalled vaguely that as he traveled through Texas a today wave had destroyed a whole city in 1915. He had been ordered to the Philippines by way of the Canal Zone. When he arrived at Colon a landslide had closed the Culebra Cut and trains could not get through to the Canal; the men had been transferred to some barracks at Empire for three or four months until another transport was sent from San Francisco to pick them up. The Americans occupied the transport for 30 days on the route via Honolulu and Japan, landing at the Philippine Islands where they were sent to Los Banos. Just at that time a public figure was hanged on the parade ground. It was on the spot where Coleman had formerly played baseball. He was there for a couple of years and then he was ordered to Manila where he received orders to go to Siberia. Already he had seen so much of the world including tidal waves, landslides, and public hangings that he was not too surprised at what he encountered in Vladivostok. He admitted he had not known of the chaotic state of the city until he saw it at first hand.

One of the peculiarities that struck the Americans in Vladivostok was the manner in which houses were numbered. Apparently numbers were assigned in the order in which structures were built; there was absolutely no system or regularity. If one wanted to find an address and managed to locate the street it was well nigh impossible to locate the house without a door-to-door search. To add to the confusion many houses were completely devoid of any numbers!
Signs over stores continued to intrigue each new arrival. The men said that they yearned to compare the contents of the shops with what the trade pictures indicated.

James Whitehead of the RRSC recalled talking about the problem of warm clothing for the men. "I had dinner with Major Miller of the regulars, and with a Baron who promised to see what he could do to get furs for overcoat linings."

In a letter to his wife Whitehead wrote: "It would take a lot of heavy clothes to keep the troops warm in the coming winter, especially as they were used to tropical climate." He added that the RRSC had a fair supply of warm clothes which would be satisfactory if they were not stolen. "Bolsheviks break in and steal,: he wrote. "Some of them got into our baggage room. They stole two trunks and several bags belonging to our men. A cop caught one little fellow with a trunk and a bag bigger than himself on his back. He hit him hard with his sword and then asked him where he was going. Then they caught two others, but two bags were never recovered."

Ralph Fletcher was so concerned about the coming cold that he wrote to his wife asking her to hurry with winter wherewithal. He wrote: "Darling if war spares me and you wish to see me again send me some wool clothes: heavy socks, drawers, sleeping garments and gloves. Get them from the Red Cross if possible, if not buy them. . .I have none and they are absolutely necessary. . .we will have to winter in a climate of 30 below zero and it is cold here now.

"We are living in a war element. Uniforms of many nations and armed bodies of men are everywhere. soldiers are being rushed out in trains during the day and the wounded are already being brought in at night. The toll is heavy. The work is hard but we are glad to do our bit in the greatest conflict among men that has occurred in this old world."

Fletcher continued with these remarks: "This is a wonderful country and everything here is on a big scale. We are living in tents now and are in the midst of the grimness of war, that terrible destroyer. Armed men of many nations, bugle calls, etc., etc. . .The other regiment (the 27th) is on the line now and we are expecting to go any time."

Leo Fifer of the 31st recalled that he landed in Vladivostok on August 21st and noted in his diary that it was "one hell of a country." They went into camp on the 22nd and on the 24th he wrote: "Working very hard every day now. Country no better. Sure is some place and some people. A mixture of Russians, Koreans, Chinese, Japs, Polish and others. . ."

Malcolm Currie of Mercer Island, Washington was a member of Company A, 31st Infantry. He arrived on August 22nd and told of an incident that was hushed up quickly. He related that the Senior CO of the Allied forces at the time was a Japanese and that the General Headquarters was guarded by Japanese soldiers. Currie described the incident in this manner: "An American messenger went to deliver a message to the CO and was denied admission, probably because of the language barrier. The American tried to go past the Japanese and in the scuffle the American got struck by the Japanese bayonet. The American then pulled his pistol and shot the Japanese soldier. Whether he killed him or not I do not know, but it was said that this caused the American Expeditionary Force to set up its own Headquarters and I know the incident was hushed up fast."

Writing home on August 23rd, Whitehead stated that one of their own men was now lolling after their mail. He said he had five minutes to write, was well, and that the RRSC was "slowly getting under way and would probably go to work any day." He closed his letter with "the man who looks after our mail now is waiting so must close." But he had time to add: "Things of a very interesting nature, and important, too, are happening and it looks like this will be some place after all. Don't worry. . .there is no danger now and I cannot foresee any. Some of us are still in Vladivostok and some others went west."

At this time Russian Railway Service Corps was being dispatched, in groups of three or four, to divisions and repair points and to junctions to become familiar with the road and with Russian procedures; also to help the Russians where they could, particularly with the Baldwin eight-wheeled freight engines of which there were a considerable number. Some of the Americans went as far inland as the border of European Russia. They performed valuable service, often in precarious situations. According to Corpsman L.D. Yates they had been recruited to take over the Trans-Siberian Railway; there were men who were expert in all categories of railroad repair, operation and maintenance.

Prior to the arrival of the American railroaders the situation was considered deplorable. Some 826 bridges had been blown up by one or another of the participants in the civil war and this included the 420-foot bridge over the Amur River at Khabarovsk which could not be replaced during the stay of the AEF in Siberia. It was not until 1922 that the bridge was restored.
In addition there were 20 railway stations and 14 water supply stations that had been blown up. There was no accurate estimate of how much trackwork had been demolished or removed. It has been considered that all railway delays, whether caused by partisans or their opponents, played a major role in bringing about the eventual defeat of Admiral Kolchak and his supporters.
Although consisting of numerous warring factions, all Siberians had the common purpose of preventing the return of a Czarish regime. Numerous dictatorships, directorates and other governments were constantly appearing. Each told the populace that it would be best for them.
At the time the Americans were preparing so seriously in the Philippines and in the States during July and August, 1918 the Czecho-Slovak forces had already abandoned their efforts to withdraw from Eastern Russian and from Siberia, in spite of the fact that the Americans were proposing to rescue them! Colonel Styer became aware of this situation upon his arrival.

The Czecho-Slovaks had established themselves in association with non-Red elements along the Trans-Siberian Railway from Ekaterinburg to Vladivostok. Gaida, the Czech leader, had planned a drive eastward from Irkutsk but had been gradually slowed during August by the Bolshevik and POW forces which were scurrying down the Amur Valley destroying facilities as they went. Along the way the latter increased their numbers and made for Blagovestchensk.

General Mikhail Kontstantinovich Dietrichs, head of the Priamur Government, had made a drive northward from Vladivostok. After the enemy had been defeated further advance had been halted when he had reached Shmakovka on the Amur River. This movement had taken place on August 3rd and 4th.

Styer was also to learn that Washington had been advised of the current situation that prevailed. Officials there had been notified that the situation was most fluid. Instead of getting the Czecho-Slovaks home, the following recommendations were submitted:

1) It was wise to assist the Czechs in attempting to control the railroad
2) War activities of prisoners of war must be halted

3) A front should be established in Eastern Russian against possible Austro-German military activity
4) There should be retention of as much anti-Bolshevik government as possible in hopes that an anti-Bolshevik army could be organized and a non-Bolshevik government could be created.
Huge quantities of materials belonging to the American and European powers had been piled up at Vladivostok and had become the source of great concern. The fear that these supplies might fall into the hands of the Central Powers still persisted. The only protection for those stores was supplied by the presence of Allied Warships. The USS BROOKLYN, HMS SUFFOLK, the Japanese ships ASAHI and IWANI, and the Chinese cruiser HAI YUNG maintained a watchful eye over these stores.

Shortly after the Czecho-Slovaks obtained control of Vladivostok in June, General Dietrichs began his participation in the general plan of the Czech campaign b moving north toward Khabarovsk. Nikolsk was captured after a brisk engagement on July 4th, and as previously noted, wounded Czecho-Slovaks from that battle were cared for in a hospital established by the USS BROOKLYN. Further advance by Dietrichs' troops ended in failure.

Proceeding north from Nikolsk, the Czechs defeated Bolshevik forces on July 16th at Spasskoe and pursued them as far as the line of the Ussuri River where the Czechs took advantage of a strong natural position to await reinforcements from Khabarovsk. In this position the Czechs were attacked by superior numbers. Beginning on August 1st, the Bolsheviks drove the Czechs back south of Shmakovka where the latter halted, reinforced by the arrival of Ataman Kalmikov with some 800 cossacks. A fairly strong position was established with a force of 2500 troops between the two branches of Belaya Creek with headquarters at Kraevski.

While the engagements of August 1st to 4th were in progress, the United States government, followed by the governments of Great Britain, France, Japan and China, issued the proclamation in which the policy of the respective governments was stated with regard to the Russian Intervention.

It may be recalled that August 3rd was also the date on which orders were sent from Washington directing the troop movements to Vladivostok. On this day also, in view of the situation of the Czecho-Slovaks at Shmakovka, 800 British troops arrived and started for the Ussuri front. On August 9th these were followed by 1200 French and on the 11th by about 3000 Japanese troops.

The assistance from these detachments enabled the Czecho-Slovaks to hold their position until groups could be organized under one command and strengthened sufficiently to assume the offensive. This consolidation was barely effected when the first American troops began to enter Vladivostok.

At the time of the arrival of the Americans no stable government existed nor was law and order in evidence. A considerable portion or the population was composed of Bolsheviks, bandits, political and other convicts.

As mentioned elsewhere, during the monarchy Siberia had been a dumping ground for convicts and political prisoners and also for the criminals from European Russia. The latter were often crude, vicious cut-throats whereas the political prisoners included the intelligentsia, the well-educated who had been too free in expressing their views.

Most of the convicts had made their way to Vladivostok because the city offered a port from which escape was possible. Most of the political prisoners also chose Vladivostok in order to be in a cosmopolitan city. The criminal element expected to make a living by robbing the newly-arrived Allied soldiers. On the other hand, the political prisoners welcomed the new arrivals, for a new social awareness was opened in their relationships with other men with related schooling and background.

As each Allied unit arrived, it had its own military police force. This was limited in scope as an American MP could not arrest or caution any but Americans, a Japanese MP could deal only with Japanese, and so on. As a result, an International Military Police Force was set up. This remarkable body took hold of the situation under the able direction of Major Samuel I. Johnson only a few weeks after the arrival of the first troops.

The Allied officers were not long in discovering that problems in Siberia could not all be observed on the surface. There were numerous Russian factions to be contended with; and there were our so-called allies, the Japanese. The latter proved more difficult and troublesome to deal with than the partisans.

Although the national quotas were not to exceed 10,000 men, the Japanese sent troops well in advance of that figure. The estimate varied from 70,000 to over 100,000. Some of the Americans maintained that Japan sent civilians who were actually military personnel. This made it difficult to keep count. Discord developed early regarding the size of the Japanese contingent.
Two days after Col. Styer had been informed that Gen. Kikuz Otani was commander in chief of all Allied armies, Otani was officially designated by the Japanese government to command the Japanese expedition to Siberia. By virtue of his grade he was senior to any of the other commanding generals. Consequently, soon after landing, he fortified the statement made to Styer with the following communication which was addressed to the Allied Armies:

"I have the honor to inform you that I have been appointed Commander of the Japanese Army at Vladivostok by his Majesty, The Emperor of Japan, and that I am entrusted unanimously by the Allied Powers with the Command of the Armies in the Russian Territory of the Far East. The cooperation and the friendship between our Armies will easily permit, from the point of view of their command, of rapidity of action and of success without any difficulty. I hope with all my heart that our Armies will work together for the command aim."
(Signed) General Otani Commander-in-Chief of the Allied Armies

The first group of American soldiers to arrive was not long in Vladivostok before the crowds began to swell in Svetlanskaya Street. Hamor B. Scott had met many people; he had worked hard before reaching Siberia. He was born in 1882 and was orphaned in 1887. Thereafter he lived where he could with numerous families. Scott joined the army in 1911 and found himself in Siberia in 1918. He did not recall too much trouble upon his arrival but remembers vividly that the American and British troops were handed leaflets when they arrived. The leaflets read:
"We take it for granted that this is a word of welcome and warning to the American and British forces landing in Siberia. We take it for granted that you have landed here on Russian soil with no hostile intentions to the Russian people that you could be of some help to the distressed Russian people and in this we thank you and bid you welcome. Your machine guns and your artillery should not and must not be turned on the peasants in order to strangle the majority of the Russian people. ~"The Friends of the Russian Revolution."

The Americans soon found that there were sights beyond those of Vladi's muddy streets. Some of the men had wandered over to the Bathing Beach, just as the RRSC men had done previously. There before their eyes was a multitude of people -- men, women and children, enjoying the bathing, all in the nude. As this news spread there soon was a large audience of Americans at Vladivostoks beaches.

The public baths also aroused surprise. Lester Ade stated that the first bath he had had in the city took place six days after arrival. "Another fellow and I ordered one in a bath house," he reported, "and we had cold water from a shower, two large bath towels, soap and the use of a spacious, comfortable dressing room for about six rubles each, which was about 65 cents in our money. There was also a marble slab sofa in the bathroom and women attendants were to be had if desired, but we took things in the usual American way."

Some Americans were too busy to see the sights. As we have seen, the Engineers were most occupied. They remained in Vladivostok until November 3rd busy with the tracing and transliteration of various Russian staff maps of the territory occupied by the American troops. The maps indicated the location of the American troops. Sundry smaller tracings were made for various departments.

The Intelligence Division arrived on the SHERIDAN on August 21st. This contingent consisted of 16 members of the Military Intelligence Division, Washington, and 15 Army Field Clerks. The latter had been specially selected and dispatched with a view to the possible need for a large intelligence section to work with the Expedition. The nucleus of the Intelligence Section had arrived with the first troops on August 15th and 16th and consisted of five officers, one of who was an engineer. Fifty-one enlisted men selected from the Philippine organization, a detachment of 18 enlisted men of the Engineer Corps and a detachment of 18 enlisted men of the Signal Corps were ready for service. From the start their work was coordinated to the establishment of relations with the intelligence officers of the Allied forces.

Almost at once the Intelligence Division made an inspection of the whole field of action northward and eastward to the hills. Careful observation was made of the trenches, field of fire, shell holes and location of the dead (still largely unburied). An opportunity for further observation of the terrain was given by a reconnaissance made on August 28th and 30th by an intelligence officer and three enlisted men on motorcycles. They went as far north as the town of Ussuri.

A detachment from the Intelligence Section was attached to Col. Charles Morrow who was in charge of the 27th Infantry. Included were Lt. Skladal, a detachment of interpreters, engineers and signal men. They were to secure information and communications in the field.
When the 31st Infantry arrived at Vladivostok a tent camp was established in Gornastaya Valley, just east of the city. Detachments were immediately deployed along the Ussuri Railway Line taking strong tactical positions at Nadezhdinskaya, Kiparisova, Ugolnaya, Pervai Rechka and other small railway towns.

In addition to the Japanese and the Chinese, the British and the French were also in Vladivostok in August. On the 21st K.C. Lin, Commodore of the Chinese Navy, sent a letter to Col. Styer. Written aboard the R.C.S. HAI YUNG at Vladivostok, it stated:

"I have the honor to inform you that in a few days the Chinese troops may be expected to arrive in Vladivostok by railroad. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your Obedient Servant,
K.C. Lin, Commander C.N."

Ironically, on the same date, First Lt. Herrick of the 27th Infantry sent word to Major Buck out on the line that: "Civilian messenger reports about 400 Chinese bandits now about seven verst from here marching on this place, armed with rifles and one pound machine guns. Send reinforcements and machine guns as soon as possible."

Events were crowding one upon the other, and news was pouring into Vladivostok. An Edict given by the Staff at the front and signed jointly by Gaida, Pepeloff and Bagoslovsky at Verkhne-Udinsk on August 21st soon reached Vladivostok.

"Edict on the Cossack Troops of Enisey:

"In the troublesome times during the sovereignty of the Bolsheviks, when by the latter, acting as tools in the hands of the Germans, all rights of the free Russian people were trampled under feet, when, without consideration of public good, the Bolsheviks were selling Russia to Germany, you, brave Cossacks of Enisey, did not take part in this deceit, but conducted yourselves as faithful sons of your mother country.

"Deprived of your rights, deprived of the opportunity to protest, with heartaches you were compelled to look on while the Bolsheviks were robbing and leading our native country to ruin. The greater force was on their side, and you were unable to do anything.

"The patience of the Russian people is now exhausted and all Siberia, in order to shake off the shameful yoke of Bolshevism, as one man awoke to action. You, brave Cossacks of Enisey, were one of the first to join the new Siberian Army and notwithstanding that formerly you consisted of only a regiment, you are now in full division in strength. This effort will not be overlooked by your mother country. And then, valiant Cossacks of Enisey, immediately after your formation, took the field together with the young Siberian Army and brotherly troops of the Czecho-Slovak, and on the shores of Baikal won the victory which forevermore banished the fear of Bolshevik ascendancy. At the height of the fight together with the Bolshevik troops, you proved yourselves worthy descendants of the brave Cossacks of Enisey, when you, without meditation surrendered your life for the Liberty of Russia, and conducted yourselves as loyal sons of the mother country.
"The memory of your heroic action on the shores of Baikal will be cherished by your country and the glory with which you are covering yourselves in this painful time of the deliverance of our suffering Native Country, will be handed down from generation to generation.

(Signed) Colonel Gaida
Commander-in-Chief of the Eastern Front
Colonel Pepeloff
Commander of the Middle Siberian Corps
Colonel Bagoslovsky
Chief of Staff of the Eastern Front,
General Staff of the Army."

On Saturday, August 25th there was stir of excitement in Vladivostok. Gen. Dmitri L. Horvath, General Manager of the Chinese Eastern Railway, ordered all Russian subjects to report for duty to fight to the end against the Germans and the Bolsheviki. He set himself up as Dictator of All Russia.

The attempt of Horvath to alter the city government gave Vladivstok the appearance of a besieged city. The consul of Allied Diplomats stated that the Russians could not be armed and it threatened to take Horvath a prisoner if he insisted on arming anyone.

Hundreds of Czecho-Slovaks, Americans and Japanese were guarding the streets to check any disturbance which might have arisen as a result of Horvath's announcement. There was some concern in the Officers' Quarters; however, beyond some slight excitement, no violence resulted.
On the following day, August 26th, the men of the 27th Infantry who were still in the city had much to occupy themselves. They were assigned 28 head or horses and 186 mules. Civilian Farrier Humphries accompanied the stock. The balance of the latter was assigned to the 31st Infantry Field Hospital #4 and the Ambulance Company #4. Additional shipments were made later to the 27th Infantry at Spasskoe and Khabarovsk.

As the men were departing from Vladivostok for sites along the line, those remaining in the city pondered as to when they would see their buddies again. Lt. Colonel G.H. Williams was detached for duty as Commander at the Base of Vladivostok and Captain R.E. Wallace for duty on the Line of Communications.

In town the doughboys visited the Golden Horn Care, the American Grille and similar places where they were able to chat with the local inhabitants and those Allies already in Vladivostok.
At first the natives were suspicious, but with the passing of August 1918 they found the Americans were friendly and meant them no harm.

The Allies were a diverse group, coming from many parts of the world. Some of the Allied sailors and soldiers seemed alien to the Americans, but as the months wore on the latter became more accustomed to those encountered in and out of Vladivostok.

Those Americans still in the city wondered how much longer they might remain there. Word was awaited from F and G Companies of the 27th Infantry who had been the first to leave the city some two weeks earlier.

Siberian Sojourn-Volumn II, Chapter 15

2009-05-14T18:54:00.000-07:00

THE SIBERIAN SOJOURN

BOOK TWO

Written By: EDITH M. FAULSTICH
All work is Copyrighted, any use or reprint must be cited.

Forward

Book Two of the "Siberian Sojourn" is a continuation of Book One which was presented in 1974. Both books follow the outline as planned by Edith M. Faulstich prior to her death in 1972.

Book One, in spite of shortcomings, was well received by you veterans and you families. You knew well of the love and devotion with which the work was conceived by Edith.

It is my hope that Book Two will be equally well received. I am sure that any shortcomings will again be generously overlooked.

While the story of any historical event can never be fully told, it is felt that something of value has been added to the record of the "Siberian" campaign. It was the intent of Edith that men and women who served would have some small recognition which is so rarely granted in the formal history books.

It is hoped that Edith will be pleased with this presentation. It is hoped that you veterans and your families will approve.

Fred Faulstich
May 22, 1977

Contents

Footnotes to Book Two

Chapter XV Colonel Styer Arrives and Troops Land 1 - 24
Chapter XVI Events to the End of August 1918 25 - 54
Chapter XVII F & G Companies, 27th Infantry Regiment En Route to Sviyagino 55-74
Chapter XVIII The Britis 75 - 90
Chapter XIX The Battle of Kraevski 91 - 98
Chapter XX The 90-Mile March 99 - 120
Chapter XXI General Graves & More Troops Arrive in Vladivostok 121 - 158
Chapter XXII The Americans Settle in at Vladivostok 159 - 208
Chapter XXIII Personnel of the 27th and 31st Regiments Go Full Strength 209 - 221
Footnotes 222 - 226

Chapter XV

Colonel Styer Arrives and Troops Land

Upon the arrival of the American Expeditionary Force, Colonel Henry Styer, who had command of the AEF in Siberia up to the arrival of Major General Graves, paid an official call on Japanese Lieutenant General Oi the Senior Military Officer then present in Valdivostok.

After introductory amenities were over, Styer asked Oi for suggestions as to the best procedure for American cooperation. To the Colonel's dismay the Japanese general lost no time in stating that General Kikuz Otani of the Imperial Japanese Army had been designated to assume the Supreme Command of all the Allied Siberian Forces "at the request of the American Government."

Styer was stunned by the impact of this news. American soldiers under the command of a Japanese? This was unheard of. With military dignity he merely indicated that he had not been so advised.

"I suggest," said Styer, "that concrete plans await the arrival of the Supreme Commander of the American Forces, Major General William S. Graves. He will be here shortly."
The Japanese retorted that plans could not wait.
It can well be imagined that Styer must have had a few sleepless nights pondering this. He wired Washington at once and asked for specific information regarding command.
When word was received it merely confirmed that Graves would be arriving in Vladivostok shortly. That had not answered his query. Washington's apparent unwillingness to refute the Japanese announcement left nothing for the Colonel to do but proceed according to General Oi's instructions until Major General Graves arrived.
Styer designated the names and duties of his staff officers. His official cable to Washington reported that he had with him 1,537 men of the 27th Infantry.
Among the officers were included some OF the staff authorized by the war Department: Colonel James S. Wilson, Chief Surgeon, Major David P. Barrows, Intelligence Officer (with four assistants) and Lieutenant Colonel W.V. Morris who became the Inspector General of the Expedition.
Colonel Styer conferred with Lt. General Yuhi, Chief of Staff representing General Otani and was given a detailed briefing on the general plan of operations. A map of the area was consulted. Styer was told that there were some 15,000 armed enemy in Khabarovsk. Yuhi stated that it would therefore be necessary to strike there first and take that city. They would then proceed west by Amur and Manchuria. There would be 40,000 troops and a long double line of communications to make secure between the Allies and the Czecho-Slovaks if the latter were to be extricated from west of Irkutsk.
Styer had not been briefed on conditions, but he did know that the Czeho-Slovaks were to be helped to get back to Vladivostok. That was part of the mission. But he had no way of knowing that the Japanese exaggerated conditions. He simply assumed that their reports were correct.
Therefore, in special Orders #1 of August 16, 1918 he stated that the Second Battalion was ordered to relieve the Railroad Guards.
Thus it was that American soldiers served under Japanese command from mid-August, 1918 until the arrival of General Graves on September 2, 1918.
Upon his arrival Graves immediately called on General Utani (by that time himself in Vladivostok) and set the record straight with regard to the command of American troops. Graves stated that he and he alone would be in charge of the latter.
Before the arrival of the Commander in Chief, Styer had wired Washington on August 19th to report his meeting with Yuhi. He gave estimates of the situation and plan of operations.
"General Otani stated that in his judgment present forces assigned to the expedition are insufficient to accomplish mission which was and remains solely the extrication of the Czechs west of Irkutsk between whom and us are 40,000 enemy forces and a double line of communications to make secure. The Czechs west of Irkutsk have little ammunition left and are otherwise in pitiable plight, so much so that their relief before winter is imperative if they are to survive. This can only be done in his (Otani's) opinion by a rapid campaign with augmented forces. He asked the Allied Commanders to so represent to their governments and that they themselves send all forces immediately available and request Japan to send troops at once in sufficient numbers to meet the situation: 5,000 Canadians are en route. Japan has ready many troops. After asking each Commander if and how many of his troops were read to join in advance on Khabarovsk, he stated his intention of ordering an immediate concentration of all available forces and an attack."
Several days later, on August 21st, Styer set forth General Order #5. It said in part: "This detachment has the distinction of being the first of the American Expeditionary Forces to land in Siberia. Each officer and man has the responsibility to adopting from the start a personal attitude which will help the American objects in uniting their military power to that of our Allies for the defeat of the enemy purpose in Russia. The good name of the United States and the maintenance of cordial relations with the Allied forces and with the Russian people requires perfect deportment of each member of this command. The situation of the Russian people is one that entitles them to our sympathy and consideration. After making great sacrifices and enduring great hardships in the conduct of the war, the Russian people now find their government disorganized in the process of changes started by the revolution and our behavior and attitude must always take this into consideration, so that no one at any time may justly charge any individual American officer or soldier with exploiting or criticizing these conditions. The absence of an efficiently organized civil administration necessitates unusual restraint on the part of all American officers and noncommissioned officers of their military authority to quiet any altercation, misunderstanding or disorder. All members of this Command are enjoined to refrain absolutely from political altercations or unfriendly criticism."
It was in this Order that Styer also directed the Second Battalion of the 27th Infantry to relieve the railroad guards along the line from Vladivostok to Nikolsk.
In the two weeks that followed, American men were put through an ordeal that none will ever forget. They were forced on rides and marches through terrain and conditions which were unbelievable. They went into skirmishes with a will to win, skirmishes which should not have involved them at all.
It all started in Vladivostok when the exaggerated Japanese reports spurred the Allies into action in accordance with the plans outlined by the Japanese. It was not until some time later that the extent of this exaggeration was realized. Finally it was discovered that heavy reinforcements were not needed for an immediate offensive. Apparently the request for Allied troops was arranged so that the soldiers would arrive after the Japanese had waged their campaign and after they had gained the fruits of victory. But in all the flush of information given to Colonel Styer upon arrival, there had been little else he could have done except to rely upon the Japanese and comply with Otani's express commands. History had not yet been written and no one could have known at the outset what lay in the vast unknown depth of Siberia; nor that the military situation had been misrepresented.
The Japanese had presented the plight of the Czecho-Slovaks as pitable. Yet at that time the Czechs occupied the banks of the Ussuri River and were supported by the Cossacks, the British and the French. Some Japanese detachments were also there. It became apparent that Japanese actions were motivated by aims of their own rather than by a spirit of cooperation with the Allies.
In addition to the burden of the astounding Japanese demands for American troops to leave Vladivostok, Styer was concerned with the quartering and supplying of his troops. At this point, his men were still aboard the transport.
Styer reviewed the situation with staff officials. Suitable barracks had to be found immediately. There would be a need for storage houses. The possibilities of Vladivostok as a source of supplies for the troops had to be investigated.
The general disorganization must have been most disheartening; it is unlikely that any expedition ever entered a foreign port with so little advance preparation and with so many confusing orders. The town was studied from one end to the other more than once and Colonel Styer wished that General Graves had been able to be with him in all his moments of decision and indecision.
Vladivostok with all its suburbs to the north and east was dotted with barrack groups said to be sufficient for some 70,000 Russian soldiers. This was good news indeed, until it was realized that as far as American soldiers were concerned it would not house that number. The standard cubic air space required for our men was much more than that allotted to Russian military men.
When the American officers visited the barracks they reeled in revulsion. The floors were covered with layers of excrement and filth and the whole was infested with vermin. There was no running water, no sewer system nor any provision for artificial light!
"Good God," moaned more than one man, "what can we ever do with these?" They left the stinking quarters as fast as possible.
The barracks all conformed to a general plan. The dimensions of each were usually 100 x 50 feet. The structures were predominantly one story in height and built of brick trimmed with cut stone.
The barracks in Vladivostok as well as throughout Eastern Siberia had been built for Russian troops; all appeared to be of a standard type. There was usually an entrance at each end. Each building contained four small rooms twelve feet square. These were separated by a narrow hall terminating in a general squad room. Ceilings were twelve feet high. These rooms were used for administration purposes.
Each kitchen contained a typical Russian stove, usually four feet broad, three feet deep and six to eight feet high. Stoves were equipped with immovable small fire boxes and with huge iron or copper cauldrons of 50-gallon capacity. Generally there was no provision for cooking or baking on the top. Further investigation revealed that there was no provision whatever for the cleaning of utensils!
The officials learned that garbage and waste water had usually simply been thrown down a hole in the floor. The Americans were learning about life in Siberia.
"Where did the soldiers eat?" asked one of the officers, for there was no mess hall in any of the barracks.
They were to find out that Russian soldiers went into the kitchen to receive their food which was then eaten in the Squad Room. This room was lighted with the customary double windows which provided about the same degree of light as the Americans had been used to in the States. The Squad Room was heated by another large brick or cast-iron stove which was lined with firebrick. These stoves were about four feet square and ten feet high. The firebox was small and required hours of firing until sufficient heat was generated. They were, however, adequate to heat a room ventilated in a manner to which the doughboys were accustomed.
It was learned that in Siberia, with the onset of cold weather, buildings were hermetically sealed to conserve fuel. Eastern Siberia had little available as a result of the disorganization of the railways. Available coal was inferior in quality.
Stoves in the officers' rooms were miniatures of those in the barracks. At regular intervals in the barracks groups a typical Russian bathhouse was located. This was a one-story affair where provision was made to expose from twenty to forty men at one time in the conventional Russian bath followed by a cold plunge.
As he studied the situation in Vladivostok, Styer became increasingly more troubled. It did not take him too long to realize that the Allied military objective required prompt reorganization of the railway administration. Seated on board the WARREN on August 17, 1918, he wrote: "The American Railroad Engineers are right in Harbin and have been ready to do the necessary reorganization. Some of them are also in Vladivostok now. They are prepared with full knowledge of the situation based on full investigation and practical cooperation. As a military measure of the first importance I believe they (The Russian Railway Service Corp) should be placed in charge of the railway administrations at once. I propose to so represent to my government by cable today, with the recommendation that the services of these engineers be formally placed at the disposal of such military official or body as may be appointed by the Allied Commanders to supervise the military use of the railway necessary to joint operations. Your views are requested."
While Styer and other officials were trying to investigate the situation and arrange for barracks for the doughboys, the latter were tramping up and down the transports wondering when they could set foot on land again. As a matter of fact, the officers had similar thoughts.

When the men finally left the transports they learned that the British, French and Japanese were already there. The Czecho-Slovaks were everywhere and the White Russians and Bolsheviks were both entering the city by carloads. Those "grinning Chinese coolies" already discussed, were present in every group and new leaders were screaming to the Russians to join their particular kind of Government.
The Cossacks were sniping at the peasants who were scowling so bitterly one could almost here their oaths.
Yes, the wharves that mid-August of 1918 offered quite a sight; there were meticulously dressed business men, unclothed and unbathed urchins and men, women and children in a variety of costumes all intermingled.
To our soldiers in their neat olive drab it was perhaps the beginning of the strangest series of experiences they were ever to face. One man said that the most peculiar happening that he witnessed on his first day was a pompous, well dressed business man "stepping over a stinking dead animal, covered with vermin, right in the middle of the street as though it was a perfectly ordinary thing to do." The soldier added that he "felt dizzy and distracted by all the disorders and by the sights and smells." The men had no sooner set foot on land than they were assailed by one rumor after another. Furthermore, none of the officials seemed to have any idea of what to do with the army once it got on shore. The prevailing disorganization has not been forgiven by many a man to this day. The faith they had in their country began to waver. A doubt disturbed them, one they wanted to push aside, but a doubt nevertheless. As they were shunted from one place to another in the months ahead and had become accustomed to the confusion and chaos in Siberia, this doubt faded; they never did, however, ever completely forget those first disappointments. They had believed that Uncle Sam would surely have barracks and chow ready for them upon arrival.
As though it was not confusing enough to view the melting pot of the world at Vladivostok's front door, the 1500 arrivals were about to face a local stike!
Local labor, although in apparent need of money, refused to unload the transports. This work was now left to the ocean-weary soldiers. It meant no sight-seeing, no rest, no chow; just hard labor.
The officers too were furious at the disorganization attending their arrival; the strike was about the last straw.
When the Russian laborers saw that the Americans were about to do their own unloading, they recanted and agreed to work after all. They were then told to go to hell by the officers; the men of the 27th did the work.
Emotions remained mixed. There were always a few who professed to have had no surprise or amazement at the treatment. One man said, "It's always the same in any port." Others disagreed violently. Many put the unpleasant aside and recalled the reception they had received. They never forgot the wonderful and strange arrival and recall to this day that they were met in the harbor by the Czecho-Slovak soldiers who nearly "raised the roof" when they saw the Americans. "Those fellow sure made us know that they were glad to see us," one man said.
But when the men left the ships and had had a chance to talk to those who could understand them, they became fearful in spite of the size and obvious commercial status of Vladivostok. The fears that had assailed them on the transport regarding wolves and Bolsheviks had been allayed, had released tens of thousands of German and Austrian prisoners of war who were going to treat the Allies as enemies, they began to wonder how the situation was to be met.
When the Americans put the town under closer scrutiny it still seemed a quaint place, not as beautiful as they had at first though. Otto Korn expressed it this way when he had fist landed: "It was as though the wheels of time had stopped turning about a century ago. The quaint old buildings on cobblestone streets were pleasant to look at, but oh the filth when you came closer! Most of the people were emaciated looking and poorly clad. The men were bewhiskered usually, and wore knee length boots. This seemed the custom throughout the land. They had Tonnerville Trolley type streetcars mostly driven by fat sloppy women often in dirty house dresses or aprons. The cars were usually loaded down with people, many carrying large bundles of belongings wrapped up in bedsheets or tablecloths, or the like. Pigs and chickens ran in and out of the front doors of the homes, which were built right on the sidewalks--and this was in the busier parts of the town where the streetcars and cobblestones were. Their highways or rural roads were unpaved; practically ungraded. When wet they were quagmires and when dry they were dusty and nothing but ruts and bumps. Then there were the collies who went around and cleaned out the latrines. They were called the 'honey dumpers'. Beverage systems and inside plumbing was not too prevalent. Lost every town we subsequently came to had a Japanese red light section, but at the same time most every village had a church. The Greek Orthodox Church with its double cross bar became a familiar sight no matter where we went. As congenial and friendly as the Russians seemed to be, life was still very cheap. A person did not have much trouble losing life. The entire atmosphere to me seemed to be one lawlessness. I believe that many people were murdered and there was nothing down about it."
It was soon learned that the masses of material piled up at dockside were actually the supplies and munitions about which the Americans had heard so much. They had been told so often that the material had been sent to Siberia by the Allies. No one had to tell them what might happen if those supplies fell into the hands of the released German prisoners! It might mean victory for the enemy. The Americans realized that it would be a fight to the finish if the prisoners seized those supplies. Furthermore, the Americans knew that the Bolsheviks and others would contend for money as well as the very clothes on a man's back.
"Be wary of any man," the doughboys were told, "no matter what kind of a uniform he may be wearing for you never know when a Bolshevik will be dressed up like a White Russian Admiral."
Many of the Americans were 'bitching' about their accommodations. George Vandenburgh said that they were temporarily placed in old Russian quarters which were "full of cockroaches. We spend several days with candles lighting them as they ran up the walls. It was bitterly cold at night and we were not issued warm clothing for some time."
Julian Sheppard recalls meeting Czecho-Slovak soldiers that had "captured the town and taken a good deal of prisoners. They were kept in he old round house and there were some very rough people among those prisoners."
The whole situation, the sights and sounds and advice, did not make for a very relaxed atmosphere. Furthermore, the Americans were told to watch out for unexpected raids. These were frequent they heard, and one never knew when they were going to come. All this sage advice was from the few in the seething mobs who could speak the men's own language. The Yanks were also told: "Good God men, you had better get other clothes and quick." This caused concern. They were hot and contented when they arrived in August, but at night it was quite a different story. Sometimes the temperature dropped unbelievably and before long the Americans heard that it would go to 60 degrees below zero.
"Save up your grease," the soldiers were advised, "for a month or so you will have that stinking stuff on your face, or your skin will crack. You won't be able to stand the cold, or the stench of the grease, so what's the difference." Sardonic laughs accompanied the information.
"It's a lovely place here," said one Tommy to a Yank, "wolves howl at night, bandits prowl by day and by night, murder and unburied bodies are an everyday occurrence. Yes man, quite a lovely, lovely place."
The new arrivals did hear one favorable thing about Vladivostok. That was that the city had "nice Chinese tea shops." This sounded good, yet more than one nose wrinkled when there came to mind the Chinamen they had seen at the waterfront.
So this was what they had come to. This was the vast frozen wasteland full of wolf packs that would be lined up at the dock; and then they were told to visit a nice Chinese tea shop! With no wolves in sight, what a topsy-turvy world!
While they waited for a suitable place to be quartered they had increasing conversations with those who had preceded them. They learned of the vanguard of Czecho-Slovaks who had come overland from Europe with rifles and they had entered from the land side and eventually fought the Bolsheviks from one railway station to another, and how as a result of this the very air of each town reeked with desolation. The Americans were told that the Bolsheviks had welched on an agreement with the Czecho-Slovaks who were not about to accept a double cross; they fought back. Riots were the order of the day.
The Americans wondered what it would be like in those outlying districts along the tracks. Would they be sent there? They saw that Vladivostok had not remained immune from war for there were bullet-riddled buildings and many windows were still devoid of glass.
Perhaps the most comforting sight that the doughboys enjoyed was that of the majestic BROOKLYN and the sailors and marines aboard her. They called to the ship with much affection.
"Good luck, guys," Emmett Hoskins, a sailor, called back. "You are our regular army and we are with you all the way." And the sailors meant it. Hoskins wrote in his diary: "The troops looked wonderful to us. There were young soldiers, and those with hash marks, and we knew they were the backbone of our army and would be a good fighting outfit. But we could not help but notice the difference in ages and builds. Some were so tall, some short, some thin, some fat; but all military of the United States of America."
Although it was good to see the Americans on the BROOKLYN as well as the English and the French troops, the general effect was almost awesome.
It was difficult for an American to evaluate the ethnology of Siberia after viewing the population in the streets that late summer of 1918. Those of the better class seemed to be of Russian origin as did the multitudes of peasants. Yet there appeared to be a large proportion of Chinese, Koreans and members of native tribes from the Northern Provinces. In addition there were the Germans, Austrians, Turks, Czecho-Slovaks, Englishmen, Frenchmen, Italians, Poles, Jews, Romanians, Siberians and others. For years Siberia had been the depository for political and criminal prisoners. Many of these were educated but penniless, the shabby genteel of the country. It was not until the turn of the century that Russia imprisoned her criminals in Russia rather than exiling them to Siberia. At any rate, the sons of cutthroats and intellectuals walked side by side through the muck of the streets of Vladivostok.
The American Intelligence Section was immediately placed in the preliminary staff arrangements upon its arrival. The group maintained close relations with the Flagship BROOKLYN as well as with Japanese and Czecho-Slovak Headquarters as well as the British and French Military Missions.
The American personnel were pleased indeed to know that they were surrounded by their Intelligence Section which they felt would keep them informed about conditions. An Intelligence Officer controlled the Engineer Detachment until September 11, 1918. Subsequently the Detachment was separated and placed under the command of an Engineer Officer. The Engineers had been occupied from the time of their arrival. Sixteen officers were provided for in the Headquarters Building and five field parties of three men each had started work on a reconnaissance map of Vladivostok and vicinity with an attached index to show location, construction and size of all buildings available for military purposes; principal buildings for the city were also indicated.
The Veterinary Unit was responsible for the welfare of animals. This unit had its own special problems as each piece of stock had to be examined by John A. McKinnon and Civilian Farrier William Humphries. It took some time to find that the 130 head of horses and 340 mules were in excellent condition and that they "suffered no ill effects from the trip." Nothing was said about the mule which had been reported earlier to have died of seasickness. When the mules were debarked they were picketed at the Custom House docks. The stock was kept on these docks for six days and then transported to a compound of the Base & Line of Communications.
When Co. M, 27th Infantry, landed it used the sheds belonging to the Baldwin Locomotive Works. Some of these sheds were also used for storage rooms and one served to house the German and Austrian prisoners of war. Five hundred of the latter worked for the Americans in their sector. The prisoners were good workers; many had been to the United States.
Major Richard Allen of the Quartermaster Reserve Corps was assigned to duty as Quartermaster of the AEFS. On August 21, 1918 Major Allen was relieved by Lt. Colonel G.H. Williams, Infantry, as Acting Chief Quartermaster. Williams continued at this post until the arrival of Colonel E.J. Gallagher, Chief Quartermaster, on September 29th. The personnel that had accompanied the Expedition from the Philippine Islands included Major Allen, Captain L.J. Wechsler, 2nd Lieutenant Harry Feigleson and Frank L. Talmadge. In addition there were also one Field Clerk and 28 enlisted men.
The organization which arrived from Manila was equipped with Equipment C based on peace strength of organizations. The supplies necessary to equip these to full war strength with Equipment C and special Alaskan clothing (to enable them to endure the Siberian winter) were shipped later from the United States in accordance with requisitions prepared prior to the departure of the Commanding General.
The Quartermaster Division had commenced operations as early as August 7, 1918 when the first troops left Manila. Captain Wechsler was relieved on September 4, 1918 by Lt. Clifford C. Patterson, Q.M.C.
It was subsequently found that the Baldwin buildings, occupied as officers quarters, troop barracks, hospitals, stables, etc., were in bad repair, requiring a considerable outlay of material and labor to make them habitable and warm for winder living.
When the buildings were used as warehouses by the various departments it was found necessary to reinforce the floors as they were found inadequate to carry the storage of supplies. Adjustments were made by Russian carpenters under the direction of the Quartermaster Corps. War prisoners were used as laborers.
Since the water supply was poor, distilling plants were installed at the Base Evacuation Hospital. A bathhouse with 56 showers was built at the plant at the Base. The hot water from a condenser was used for bathing.
The Quartermaster Corps was to be kept busy for some time to come. A laundry was constructed by this unit for the use of the Evacuation Hospital. In order to provide transportation for the troops it was necessary to equip boxcars with wooden bunks. The latter were built the width of the cars at each end and were long enough to provide a comfortable bed. Cars were also provided for the transportation of animals.
Much of the above work was started soon after the men had landed. It was found necessary to construct new roads to and from the Base and around the Warehouse. Four thousand feet of foundation rock was laid 20 feet in width and 18 inches in depth. This was done under the supervision of the RRSC with POW labor.
After the confusion of the first landing had subsided, it became necessary to instal spur tracks (a total of 1,190 feet) parallel to the docks at the Base. These were placed to facilitate the loading and unloading of future transports. Railroad material belonging to the Chinese Eastern Railway was utilized for this purpose.
The inhabitants of the city saw the first American doughboys marching through the streets on August 18, 1918. The soldiers were en route to the front.

- The Parade -

It did not take the Americans long to hear that there was to be a big Allied Parade on August 19th. The men who remained in the city were to march through the streets in all their glory. The whole town was to be out to watch. And that was no exaggeration.
James Whitehead wrote to his wife at 10 pm the night of the 19th and said: "The Americans sure looked wonderful. There were about 1200 of them, all fully equipped. "Not all the troops were in the parade either," he explained, "but there were enough to show the Russians a good sample of Americanism. I was up on a balcony with some Russian friends and sure had a wonderful view."
Eugene Streed recalled that his detachment of Marines were parading between two bands which kept playing different tunes! "It sure was hard to keep in step."
The parade started at 4 pm and the men were escorted by a company of Czecho-Slovaks as they strutted down wide Svetlanskaya Street. It was all very thrilling with the Czech bank playing for all it was worth.
A Guard of Honor also paraded down the street and was received by line of Allied officers. The public was wildly enthusiastic. The entire city joined in the air of celebration.
The reviewing officers included Admiral Knight of the U.S. Navy and Gen. Dietrichs, the general who was commanding the Czecho-Slovaks. American and Allied Consuls were also on hand.
Along the route the guards of the march were unarmed and were spaced at eight-foot intervals. These consisted of Americans, Czecho-Slovaks, Japanese and Russian soldiers as well as French, Japanese, British, Chinese and American sailors and marines. After the great showing the Americans returned to the transport.
RRSC corpsmen Porter Turner observed that there were about a thousand troops following the band and that there were also different supply wagons and autos. "They sure made a grand showing and were given a glad hand by all the leading people here," he wrote.
Julian Sheppard of Co. K 27th Infantry was proud of the Colors of the Regiment as were all the men of that outfit. He notes "We paraded through the town. Movies were taken of our Regiment."
The 27th Infantry Regimental Colors were first carried ashore to be displayed in the parade.
Later it had been rumored that the 27th had lost its Colors. Many of the men hotly denied this and James Merati reported that the Colors were always in front of Colonel Morrow's headquarters. Merati stated that "they were displayed every single day and were always with the Regiment Headquarters Company. It may be that the 27th was split up into to many companies that it just seemed as though the Colors had been lost."
Years later a version of what really happened appeared in an article by John W. Wike in the February 15, 1955 issue of "The Wolfhound." The article had been published by the courtesy of "The Quarterly Journal Military Collector and Historian." "The Wolfhound" was the official publication of the 27th Infantry Regiment and had been printed for that organization during the Siberian intervention.
Wike stated that the 27th Infantry Regiment (The Wolfhounds) received as much praise as any other unit in the army and that it was praise justly deserved. "At the same time," he reported, "it has also been the victim of one of the worst type of rumor to befall a fighting outfit, namely that it lost its colors in Siberia in 1919 while part of the Siberian Expedition. This story has, in one version or another, been making the rounds since 1920."
Mr. Wike said that he felt that it was time to kill the rumors and explain that in mid-August 1918 the 27th Infantry Regiment paraded their Colors on the 19th of the month and were reviewed by General Otani, Admiral Knight, Colonel Styer and others.
"From that moment," Wike stated, "to the end of its stay in Russia, the 27th acted in the best traditions of the United States Army and when its soldiers embarked from Russian soil in December 1920 they did so with the praise of the local Russians and the Allies ringing in their ears."
Exactly one year after the parade, on August 19, 1919, Colonel Morrow requested new Colors. The old ones had been in service for fourteen years and he reported that the silk had so disintegrated that repairs were not practicable. He also requested permission for the unit to retain its current Colors as no others were available and he did not want the regiment without its Colors while in Siberia. Four days later his request was approved and a cable was sent to the States for new Colors. The 27th also received permission to retain the old ones. On September 4, 1919, General Graves was informed that the Colors had been shipped from Jeffersonville, Indiana as early as April 30th. A further report indicated that the Colors had left San Francisco on June 5th. They started to the Regiment but never reached it and thus the rumor started that the Colors had been lost. "Far from being lost in disgrace," Wike stated, "they do not seem ever to have been received. They were lost in transit."
Wike proved his point by asserting that on April 21, 1922, when the unit was stationed in Hawaii, another request was made, noting that the Colors had been in use for sixteen years. This indicated that the flags then in use were the same original Colors that had been identified as being too ragged in 1919. They had not been lost at all; they were just a bit more ragged. At last, in 1922, new Colors reached the 27th and the old ones were put to rest.
It might be mentioned here that the 27th Infantry was organized during the Spanish-American War for service in Cuba. It also served in the Philippines at Mindanao in the campaign against the Moros; then it returned to Fort Sheridan in the States and on to the Mexican Border and Vera Cruz. The unit then returned to the Philippines; from here it left for Siberia.

- Arrival of the SHERMAN -

On August 21, 1918 the army transport SHERMAN arrived at Vladivostok with the men of the 31st Infantry Regiment. They had come from the tropical Philippine Islands.
The men debarked directly on the dock. On this occasion there were no strikers. Apparently, the Russian workers were loath to lose pay as they had upon the arrival of the 27th Regiment. After the unloading, however, when the laborers again had money, they again resorted to striking just at the time that the SHERMAN was ready to depart at 5 pm.
In a history of the 31st Regiment, it is noted that a tent camp had been established by the men at Gornostai Valley in the northern Vladivostok sector. Some detachments of Americans were sent there prior to being sent out along the Ussuri line.
Clint Stephenson of the 31st Regiment stated that when they reached the tent area it was almost dark. "The Captain halted the company and said we could find our tents. My squad found one and pitched tents. That night nearly everyone froze to death. All we had was one little blanket. When we awoke in the morning and saw the way we had pitched our tents in the dark we had to laugh at the crazy set of alinements."
Stephenson was suffering from dysentery and could not go on. He reported sick and was placed on a boat and taken to "some island where the Japanese and the Red Cross had a hospital." He observed: "I was taken by stretcher. A Japanese nurse then put me in a tub and gave men a bath. Later I was assigned to a four-bed ward and found myself with three English soldiers. My bed had no mattress or springs, just a blanket over bare boards. When the Japanese doctor found out I was an American I was pretty sure I was going to live. I didn't think he would risk letting his first American soldier die. But I must say he knew his profession for in a few days I was blocked from the runs."
Stephenson said that the doctor came in one morning and stated that he was going to administer an enema to Stephenson.
"I didn't know what an enema was so I told him I wanted CC pills."
The answer was "No. You will take an enema."
"Later a nurse came in with a bottle with a long hose attached. I tried to drink from the hose, not knowing the function of an enema. The poor nurse was distracted as she spoke no English. The Tommies were guffawing. One of them told me what an enema was. When I heard, I absolutely refused to have one."
Then Stephenson heard rumors that the outfit was leaving for Moscow. He did not want to be left behind so begged for permission to leave.
The doctor's reply was "No."
The Englishmen shook their heads in disbelief and said that they could not understand Americans.
UNREADABLE ............ fight and yet you want to get out."
The doctor came in and said he did not understand Americans either and added: "One day you are nearly dead and the following day you want to get out."
The young soldier did recover after remaining in the hospital for a month. Upon finishing officer's school later, he remarked, "Sergeants Beck, Cranford and I turned in our commissions and were subjected to a two hour's reprimand regarding the spending of governmental money needlessly. Nevertheless, I stayed with the Officers' Mess until the following May when we went up to Shkotovo."
Other men of the 31st Regiment recalled the arrival at Vladivostok. Harry Rohrer reported that after finally docking, the gangplank was lowered and the "men filed down to good old terra firma. Cripes it was good to be on land again." Irving Dexter recorded in his diary that they made camp on the 22nd of August and worked the next two days. Guy Killman noted that after they arrived they were shipped out on the railway to different detachments. "Company M was scattered later in small detachments for about 100 miles. Our company was only 75 strong at the time. We never got any heavy clothing until we got back to Vladivostok where we received new men to make up our lost strength of 250 men. Then we were shipped to the Suchan Mines. While there, a good deal later, we did receive our heavy clothing."

Earl R. Perry recalled that they were given shots and then mustered out to different commands. "I drew Headquarters Company, 31st Infantry and was given a briefing."

On the morning after the arrival, the men awoke to reveille and wondering what the day would bring forth.

Rohrer stated that they had brief calisthenics in the cold air and then fell in for a breakfast of bacon, coffee and spuds. He was a member of K Company, 31st, which was assigned to guard the Base of Supplies and the German POW's.

V.E. Hockett, with Company B, recalled the large brick barracks which were made available but said that the men were kept moving from one of these to another while on guard duty.
Jesse Ward of M Company recalled that most of the men were disgusted with the poor sanitary conditions in Vladivostok. He added: "The city had an odor that I can still smell, by fancy, after over 50 years."
Rohrer and Asa Williams expressed disgust at the general conditions and Harry Bullard of H Company stated: "Being surprised is expressing it mildly. The Japanese seem to have everything under their control." Victor Stanfield recalled his first duty. "It was a 24-hour guard duty at the Base. The Third Battalion of the 31st was commanded by Lt. Colonel S.C. Loring."
Corporal W.H. Johnson who was with the Headquarters Band and Company C wrote his dad that after a pleasant trip, except for a rough day on the China Sea, they had shore leave at Nagasaki and enjoyed the sights before leaving for Vladivostok. His letter, written August 28, 1918, was severely censored. He stated: "I have been in Siberia for seven nights and have not slept twice in the same place, and have only had my shoes off three times. We are located in a large brick building now but no telling how long we will stay here. I don't have the least idea where the rest of the Regiment is for we are all stationed at different posts....There are some (censored) troops who are bloody well buggered up in the first part of the war, also a (censored) troops. Have seen a lot of (much censoring) and some of our troops have the pleasure of guarding them at work (very long censoring). We have been very busy and are not allowed to leave quarters after 6 pm. I don't know of any of our troops being killed yet but one was wounded. Our work is dangerous but there has not been any fighting in the city for over a month. The city is in the hands of our Russian Allies but it isn't safe to be out at night. We have armed enemies (censored) away and there was a bunch of Russians, who had been wounded, at the dock to meet us as we came in. So we stand a good chance of seeing some action. The sailors from an (censored) gave us a cheer when we came in but now we are separated from the rest of the world. We can't talk and have not received any mail as yet, but sometimes we get a little news from the ship in the harbor. Have learned some Russian words already and have a great time teaching the Russian soldiers our language and learning theirs. I am getting along fine but notice quite a change in the climate and from the looks of the buildings it must get pretty cold here in winter. Don't worry about me here for I am having the time of my life. Most likely a few of use will meet a bullet some night on guard but that is to be expected in a place where there is so many different factions as there is here. I have had a experience of an army on the move now and have had to sleep in our little pup tents a couple of times. If I could write everything I wanted to this would be quite a letter but I suppose our mail will be censored."
The civil war that had been raging resulted in the overrun of partisan bands and guerrillas and, although the United States was not at war with any faction, the troops were frequently fired upon. The small detachments were kept busy chasing these bands and in some cases several companies were organized to march against the resistance. Strong tactical positions had to be taken along the railroads.
The men who were to leave Vladivostok were told that they were to guard the Trans-Siberian Railroad and assist the Russian Railway Service Corps to keep traffic moving. They were also to guard American supplies, munitions, ordinance and property for the Allies. They were to assist the Czecho-Slovaks and the Russian Police in preserving order.
When the troops landed companies were formed and assignments were made. Jesse Ward said they ate their meals out in the open on the wharf and a lot of children gathered around them begging for food. Ward recalled, "I heaved a potato with a jacket on, to one of them and he said 'spacebo' so I learned my first Russian word."
The Signal Corps was attempting to keep the American Headquarters advised of all happenings. Some 30 messages were sent out by wire each day. These mounted to about 1000 words each. In addition, there were press bulletins for the Committee for Public Information to all troops between Vladivostok and Chita which also came to about 1000 words daily. This work kept the Signal Corpsmen on the alert.

Communications were also established with various points of importance to the expedition. Line #219 from Vladivostok to Khabarovsk and a number of branch connections were made with communications eventually extended to Chita, some 1850 miles from Vladivostok, via Khabarovsk.
Footnotes

Much of the information has been taken from correspondence, diaries, letters and personal records of the men who served in Siberia.

WDNA refers to War Department section of the National Archives in Washington.

RRSC refers to the Russian Railway Service Corps.